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泉州妇幼保健院做引产需要证明吗泉州新阳光医院太好了mPca8Fa[)m7bD0|Dm|Jy#For once the battle is lost, once our natural splendor is destroyed, it can never be recaptured. And once man can no longer walk with beauty or wonder at nature his spirit will wither and his sustenance be wasted.htCiBK^.072T_rbHb.*A third place to build the Great Society is in the classrooms of America. There your childrens lives will be shaped. Our society will not be great until every young mind is set free to scan the farthest reaches of thought and imagination. We are still far from that goal. Today, 8 million adult Americans, more than the entire population of Michigan, have not finished 5 years of school. Nearly 20 million have not finished 8 years of school. Nearly 54 million -- more than one quarter of all America -- have not even finished high school.CzhI)FJMf1ecz3RTmfNzz;8s9MEf,h1p_x7-hk~|%%.S0H(2oMc7ghpms165116泉州最好做人流医院 John F. Kennedy:American University Commencement Addressdelivered10June1963AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioPresident Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my oldcolleague,Senator Bob Byrd, whohas earned his degree through many years of attendingnight law school, while I am earning mine in the next30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladiesand gentlemen:Itis with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the AmericanUniversity, sponsoredby the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened byPresidentWoodrow Wilsonin 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has alyfulfilled Bishop Hursts enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a citydevoted tothe making of history and tothe conduct of the publics business.By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wishtolearn, whatever their coloror their creed,the Methodists of this area and the nation deserve the nations thanks, and Icommend all those who are today graduating. Professor WoodrowWilson once said thateverymansent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time,and I am confidentthatthe men and women who carry the honor of graduating from thisinstitution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of publicservice and public support.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.com;There are fewearthly things more beautifulthan a university,; wrote John Masefield in histribute to English universities andhis words are equally true today. He did not refer totowers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, hesaid, ;a place where those who hate ignorance may strive toknow, where those who perceivetruth may strive tomake others see.;I have, therefore, chosen this time and place todiscuss a topic on which ignorance too oftenabounds and the truthtoo rarely perceived.And that is the most importanttopic on earth:peace. Whatkind of peace do I mean and whatkind of a peace do we seek? Not a PaxAmericana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Notthe peace of the grave orthe security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace,the kind of peace that makes lifeon earth worthliving, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, andbuild a better life for their childrennotmerely peace for Americans but peace for allmenand women, notmerely peace in our time but peace in alltime.I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age wheregreat powers canmaintainlarge and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse tosurrender without resort tothose forces. Itmakes no sense in an age where a single nuclearweapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by allthe allied air forces inthe Second World War.Itmakes no sense in an age whenthe deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange wouldbe carried by wind and water and soil and seedto the far corners of the globe and togenerations yetunborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose ofmaking sure we never need them is essentialtothe keeping of peace.Butsurely theacquisition of such idle stockpiles whichcan only destroy and never create isnottheonly, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace. I speak of peace, therefore, asthe necessary, rational end of rationalmen. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic asthe pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have nomore urgent task.Some say thatit is useless to speak of peace orworld law or world disarmament, and that itwill be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hopethey do. I believe we canhelp them doit. But Ialso believe that we must reexamine our ownattitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs.And every graduate of this school, every thoughtfulcitizen who despairs of war and wishes tobring peace, should begin by looking inward, byexamining his own attitude towards thepossibilities of peace, towards the SovietUnion, towards the course of the cold war andtowards freedom and peace here athome.First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible.Toomany think itis unreal. Butthatis a dangerous, defeatistbelief. Itleads tothe conclusion thatwar is inevitable, that mankind is doomed,that we are gripped by forces we cannotcontrol.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comWe need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade. therefore,they can be solved byman. And mancan be as big as he wants. No problem of humandestiny is beyond humanbeings. Mans reason and spirithave oftensolved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believethey can doit again. I am notreferring tothe absolute,infinite concept of universal peace andgood will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I donot deny the value of hopes anddreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only andimmediate goal.Letus focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a suddenrevolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in humaninstitutions ona series ofconcrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There isno single, simple key to this peace. no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or twopowers. Genuine peace must be the product ofmany nations, the sum of many acts. It mustbe dynamic, notstatic, changing to meet the challenge of eachnewgeneration. For peace is aprocess away of solving problems.With such a peace,there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are withinfamilies and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that eachmanlovehis neighbor, it requires only thatthey live together in mutualtolerance, submitting theirdisputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities betweennations, as betweenindividuals, donotlast forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes mayseem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations betweennations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war neednot be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable andless remote, we canhelp all people to see it, todraw hope from it, and to move irresistiblytowards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. Itis discouraging to thinkthattheir leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write.Itis discouraging to a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page,wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegationthat American imperialist circlesare preparing to unleash differenttypes of war, thatthere is a very real threat of a preventivewar being unleashed by American imperialists againstthe SovietUnion, and thatthe politicalaims andI e ;of the Americanimperialists are to enslave economically and politicallythe European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means ofaggressive war.;Truly, as it was writtenlong ago: ;The wicked flee whennoman pursueth.;Yetitis sad to these Soviet statements, torealize the extent of the gulf betweenus. Butit is also a warning, a warning tothe American people notto fall into the same trap as theSoviets, not tosee only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, notto see conflict asinevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than anexchange of threats.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comNo government or socialsystem is soevilthat its people must be considered as lacking invirtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personalfreedom and dignity. But we canstillhailthe Russian people for their many achievements inscience and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is strongerthan our mutual abhorrence of war. Almostunique among the major world powers, we havenever been at war with each other. And nonationin the history of battle ever suffered morethanthe SovietUnion in the SecondWorld War.Atleast20 millionlost their lives. Countlessmillions of homes and families were burned or sacked.A third of the nations territory,including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland aloss equivalenttothe destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again nomatter how ourtwo countries will be theprimary target. Itis an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two inthe most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyedin the first24 hours. And evenin the cold war,which brings burdens and dangers toso manycountries, including this Nations closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens.For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted tocombat ignorance, poverty, and disease.We are both caughtup in a vicious and dangerouscycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begettingcounterweapons.In short, both the ed States and its allies, and the SovietUnion and itsallies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.Agreements tothis end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And eventhemosthostile nations can be relied uponto accept and keep those treaty obligations, and onlythose treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So letus not be blind to our differences, butletus also direct attentionto our commoninterests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot endnow our differences, atleast we can help makethe world safe for diversity. For in the finalanalysis, our most basic commonlink is that weallinhabit this small planet. We all breathethe same air. We all cherish our childrens futures. And we are all mortal.Third,let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering were not engaged ina debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are nothere distributing blame or pointingthe finger of judgment. We must deal with theworld as itis, and not as itmighthave beenhadthe history of the last18 years been different. We must, therefore, persevere in thesearch for peace in the hope that constructive changes withinthe Communist bloc might bringwithin reach solutions which nowseem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a waythatit becomes in the Communists interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, whiledefending our own vitalinterests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bringan adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt thatkind ofcourse in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy orof acollective deathwishfor the world.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page4AmericanRhetoric.comTo secure these ends,Americas weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designedto deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace anddisciplined in selfrestraint.Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants andpurely rhetorical hostility. For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard.And,for our part, we do not need touse threats to prove we are resolute. We donotneed tojam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith willbe eroded. We are unwilling toimpose oursystem on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peacefulcompetitionwith any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek tostrengthen the ed Nations, to help solve its financial problems, tomake it a more effective instrument for peace,to develop it into a genuine world securitysystem asystem capable of resolving disputes onthe basis of law, of insuring the securityof the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms canfinally beabolished.At the same time we seek tokeep peace inside the nonCommunistworld, wheremany nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weakenWesternunity,whichinvite Communistintervention, or whichthreaten toerupt into war. Our efforts in WestNew Guinea,in the Congo, inthe Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have beenpersistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have alsotried to set anexamplefor others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closestneighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wishto make one point clear.We are bound tomany nations byalliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Ourcommitmentto defendWesternEurope and West Berlin, for example,stands undiminishedbecause of the identity of our vital interests. The ed States will make no deal withtheSovietUnion at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they areour partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge,however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.Itis our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the SovietUnion that she,too,should let eachnation choose its ownfuture, solong as that choice does notinterfere with thechoices of others. The Communist drive toimpose their political and economic system onothers is the primary cause of world tensiontoday. For there can be no doubtthatif allnations could refrain from interfering in the selfdeterminationof others, the peace would bemuchmore assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new contextfor world discussions. It willrequire increased understanding betweenthe Soviets and ourselves. And increasedunderstanding will require increased contact and communication.One step in this directionis the proposed arrangementfor a direct line between Moscow andWashington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misingsof others actions whichmight occur at a time of crisis.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page5AmericanRhetoric.comWe have also beentalking in Geneva about our firststepmeasures of arm[s] controlsdesigned tolimitthe intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Ourprimary long range interest in Geneva,however, is general and complete disarmament,designed totake place by stages, permitting parallel politicaldevelopments to build the newinstitutions of peace which would take the placeof arms. The pursuit of disarmament hasbeen aneffort of this Government since the 1920s. Ithas beenurgently sought by the pastthree administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue thisefforttocontinue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what theproblems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start isbadly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, sonearand yetso far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. Itwould place the nuclear powers in a positiontodealmore effectively with one of the greatesthazards which manfaces in1963, the further sp of nuclear arms. It would increase oursecurity. it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently importanttorequire our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptationto give up the whole effortnorthe temptationto give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.Im taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce twoimportant decisions in this regard.First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that highleveldiscussions will shortly begin in Moscowlooking towards early agreement on a comprehensivetest bantreaty. Our hope must be tempered Ourhopes must be tempered with the cautionof history. but with our hopes gothe hopes of all mankind. Second,tomake clear our goodfaith and solemn convictions on this matter, Inow declare thatthe ed States does notpropose toconduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere solong as other states donot do so. Wewillnot Wewillnot be the firstto resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formalbinding treaty, but Ihope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitutefor disarmament, but I hope it willhelp us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here athome. The quality and spirit of our ownsocietymust justify and support our efforts abroad.We must show it in the dedication of our ownlives asmany of you who are graduatingtoday willhave an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or inthe proposed National Service Corps here athome. But wherever we are, we must all, in ourdaily lives, live up to the ageoldfaiththat peace and freedom walk together. Intoo many ofour cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete. Itis the responsibilityof the executive branch at alllevels of governmentlocal,State, and National toprovideand protectthat freedom for all of our citizens by allmeans within our authority. Itis theresponsibility of the legislative branch at alllevels, wherever the authority is notnowadequate, tomake it adequate.And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of thiscountry torespect the rights of others and respectthe law of the land.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page6AmericanRhetoric.comAll this Allthis is notunrelated to world peace. ;When a mans way[s] please the Lord,; theScriptures tellus, ;he maketh even his enemies to be at peace withhim.;And is not peace, inthe last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the rightto live out our lives withoutfearof devastation. the rightto breathe air as nature provided it. the right of future generations toa healthy existence?While we proceed tosafeguard our nationalinterests, letus also safeguard humaninterests.And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. Notreaty, howevermuchit may be tothe advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provideabsolute security againstthe risks of deceptionand evasion. Butitcan, if it is sufficientlyeffective inits enforcement, and itis sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far moresecurity and far fewer risks than an unabated,uncontrolled,unpredictable arms race.The ed States, as the world knows, willnever start a war. We do not want a war. We donotnow expect a war. This generation of Americans has aly had enoughmorethanenough ofwar and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shallbe alerttotry tostop it. But we shall also doour partto build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are nothelpless before thattask or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we mustlabor onnottowards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace. /201205/182138President Obama and NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, former President of Denmark, address the press after meeting in the Oval Office to discuss progress in Afghanistan. September 29, . (Public Domain) President Obama and NATO Secretary General Rasmussen on Afghanistan, Russia from White House on Vimeo.发言文本:PRESIDENT OBAMA: Hello, everybody. I just want to welcome Secretary General Rasmussen to the Oval Office. He and I had the opportunity to get to know each other at the NATO summit in Strasbourg, at which he was nominated and then selected as the new Secretary General of NATO. I can say that, given his experience as a head of state, that everybody had confidence in his decisive and effective leadership abilities. That confidence has proven justified. In the brief time that he has been in NATO, I think he's aly shown himself to be an active and effective Secretary General, interested in reforming and renewing the NATO Alliance, and always rooted in the understanding that this is the most successful military alliance in history and the cornerstone of transatlantic relationships.We had a very fruitful discussion while he was here. We talked about, obviously, the most important NATO mission right now, and that is Afghanistan. And we both agree that it is absolutely critical that we are successful in dismantling, disrupting, destroying the al Qaeda network, and that we are effectively working with the Afghan government to provide the security necessary for that country. This is not a American battle; this is a NATO mission, as well. And we are working actively and diligently to consult with NATO at every step of the way. And I'm very grateful for the leadership that Secretary General Rasmussen has shown in committing NATO to a full partnership in this process.We also discussed missile defense, and we both agreed that the configuration that we have proposed is one that ultimately will serve the interests of not only the ed States, but also NATO Alliance members most effectively. It allows for a full collaboration with NATO members, and we are very optimistic that it will achieve our aims and deal with the very real threat of ballistic missiles.We also agree that it is important for us to reach out to Russia and explore ways in which the missile defense configurations that we envision could potentially lead to further collaboration with Russia on this front; and that we want to improve generally not only U.S.-Russian relations, but also NATO-Russian relations, while making absolutely clear that our commitments to all of our allies in NATO is sacrosanct and that our commitment to Article 5 continues.Finally, we discussed the process that we're putting forward for a strategic concept review. NATO has been so successful that sometimes I think that we forget this was shaped and crafted for a 20th century landscape. We're now well into the 21st century, and that means that we are going to have to constantly renew and revitalize NATO to meet current threats and not just past threats. There has been a process that has been put forward; we are fully supportive of it. I am confident that under Secretary General Rasmussen's leadership that it will ultimately be successful, and that we will continue to see NATO operate in a way that is good for U.S. national security interests, good for our allies, and good for the world.So, Mr. Secretary General, thank you for the excellent work that you're doing and we appreciate it very much. And please feel free to share a few words.SECRETARY GENERAL RASMUSSEN: Thank you very much, Mr. President, for your kind words. The President and I have had a very constructive meeting. I have thanked the President for his strong support. I look very much forward to cooperating with the President and his administration on reforming, transforming, and modernizing NATO. We are going to elaborate a new strategic concept, which I hope can serve as leverage for renewal of NATO.Of course, our main focus today has been our cooperation in Afghanistan. I say "our" focus deliberately because our operation in Afghanistan is not America's responsibility or burden alone. It is and it will remain a team effort. I agree with President Obama in his approach: strategy first, then resources. The first thing is not numbers. It is to find and fine-tune the right approach to implement the strategy aly laid down, and all NATO allies are right now looking at McChrystal's review.I'm convinced that success in Afghanistan is achievable and will be achieved. And don't make any mistake -- the normal discussion on the right approach should not be misinterpreted as lack of resolve. This Alliance will stand united and we will stay in Afghanistan as long as it takes to finish our job.As the President mentioned, we have also discussed missile defense. I welcome the new U.S. approach, which will allow all allies to participate, which will protect all allies. And in fact, I think the proposed new system can serve as an instrument to bind all allies -- new and old -- even stronger together.Thank you.09/85723泉州福建医科大学第二医院地址在哪

泉州哪个医院做人流比较便宜THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This weekend, Americans mark two important dates in our Nation's history. On Saturday, we celebrate the 232nd birthday of the ed States Marine Corps. And on Sunday, we celebrate Veterans Day -- and give thanks for all those who have worn the uniform of America's Armed Forces. The Marine Corps was born in a Philadelphia tavern in 1775. Since then, the Marines have become one of the world's premier fighting forces. Their courage and valor in battle have earned them the respect of friend and foe alike. And today, a new generation of Marines is writing another chapter in that proud tradition. Young Marines are serving on the front lines in the war on terror in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world. As the Marines celebrate their birthday, we join them in recognizing what their sacrifice and service has meant for our freedom. America owes a debt of gratitude to all those who have served in our Armed Forces. On Veterans Day, we remember those who have served in previous wars, those who are serving today, and those who did not live to become veterans. Veterans Day also reminds us of our solemn responsibility to care for those who have fought our Nation's wars. Under my Administration, Federal spending for our veterans has increased by more than two-thirds. We have extended medical treatment to a million additional veterans, including hundreds of thousands returning from Afghanistan and Iraq. And we have expanded grants to help homeless veterans across the country. These are the generous actions of a grateful Nation -- and to build on them, I nominated a good man to head our Department of Veterans Affairs: Doctor James Peake. Doctor Peake is an Army doctor, a retired lieutenant general, and a combat veteran who was wounded twice in Vietnam, and decorated for his valor. When confirmed by the Senate, Doctor Peake will take on an important task -- continuing my Administration's work to implement the recommendations of the bipartisan Dole-Shalala Commission on Wounded Warriors. These recommendations are vital to ensuring better care for our veterans, and Congress needs to confirm Doctor Peake so he can lead the way in this crucial effort. Some of the Commission's recommendations require legislative action, such as updating the disability system to fully meet the needs of our wounded warriors. So my Administration has sent Congress a bill that would enact all the legislative steps recommended by the Commission. This is a good bill, our wounded warriors and their families are counting on it, and I urge Democrats and Republicans to come together to pass it as quickly as possible. Congress can also meet its responsibility to our veterans by passing a clean Veterans Affairs appropriations bill. Unfortunately, Congressional leaders let the fiscal year end without passing this bill they know our veterans need. So I urged Congress to pass this bill by Veterans Day -- and they still have failed to send me this vital legislation. The time to act is running out. There are now just four days left on the legislative calendar before Congress leaves town for their Thanksgiving break. The best way members of Congress can give thanks to our veterans is to send me a clean bill that I can sign into law. On this Veterans Day, I urge every American to take time to thank one of our Nation's 24 million veterans. They come from different generations and different backgrounds. But they are united by a commitment to honor, duty, and love of country that has kept America free. They continue to strengthen and inspire our Nation. And we will never forget what we owe them. Thank you for listening. 200801/23818泉州新阳光医院妇科怎么样 President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with President Putin of Russia   PRESIDENT PUTIN: (As translated.) Good afternoon. Dear ladies and gentlemen, first and foremost I would like to thank the President of the ed States, Mr. Bush, for accepting the invitation to meet here in Sochi, in order to sort of draw the bottom line of the eight years of our parallel terms in office. And he will probably agree with me, the result has been positive on the whole.   Since our first meeting in Ljubljana back in 2001, we have had an open and sincere relationship, and this has allowed us, without any circumventions or conventions, to start discussion the most pressing issues on the international and bilateral agenda. This dialogue is not always easy between our two countries. There have been and there remain certain disagreements on a number of issues, but the search of common denominators is going on.   George and I, I have aly mentioned, have been able to build our agenda in a way that would prevent our disagreements on one set of issues from negatively influencing the state of play in other areas, where we do have progress and where we are converging our positions. This has strengthened the entire architecture of the U.S.-Russian relationship.   In preparing for this meeting, and in the course of this meeting, we have taken stock of major issues on the U.S.-Russian agenda, and here in Sochi we have adopted a declaration on strategic framework. Of course, it does not provide any breakthrough solutions on a number of issues, but we did not really expect this. It is important that the document sums up the positive achievements of the past few years -- these in such areas as security, nonproliferation, including the initiatives that President and I put forward, these on counterterrorism and building business partnerships.   The declaration also reflects our continuing disagreements, primarily in the political-military field, but we reaffirm our willingness to work towards overcoming those differences. The most important thing is that we are talking about a strategic choice of our nations in favor of developing a constructive relationship that goes beyond the previous model of mutual containment. This declaration is a forward-looking one, and it provides a much more accurate assessment of the level of our partnership than what is normally believed based on stereotypes.   Certainly we have taken advantage of this meeting in order to sincerely, without protocol, discuss the most pressing issues of today, primarily those that influence strategic stability and international security for the long term, which is also very important.   I will not conceal that on a number of the most -- one of the most difficult issues was, and remains, the issue of missile defense in Europe. This is not about language; this is not about diplomatic phrasing or wording; this is about the substance of the issue. I'd like to be very clear on this. Our fundamental attitude to the American plans have not changed. However, certain progress is obvious. Our concerns have been heard by the ed States. In March at the 2-plus-2 meeting, and earlier today in my conversation with President Bush, we have been offered a set of confidence-building and transparency measures in the field of missile defense, and we can feel that the President of the ed States takes a very serious approach here and is sincerely willing to resolve this problem.   We do support this approach, and certainly, in principle, adequate measures of confidence-building and transparency can be found. They can be important and useful in addressing these kind of issues. Thus, we now have room for cooperation, we're y for such interaction. As far as the concrete substance of the U.S. proposals, it is too early to speak about it at this point. It is up to the experts to discuss the technical details of these proposals, and it is up to them to make any final conclusions. And the alternative that we offered last year is still relevant. We hope that it will be an issue for discussion in the future.   As far as strategic offensive weapons are concerned, we do have certain differences still in our basic approaches. And of course, both Russia and the ed States are in favor of the continuation of a process of nuclear disarmament, and we have found some common ground here.   Last year in Kennebunkport, Mr. Bush and I agreed to start work on a new agreement that would replace the START Treaty, which would expire in . We agreed that it would be necessary to maintain all the useful and necessary parts of the START Treaty. We're going to continue working on this. Our concerns are clear to both sides, in such fields as the development of state-of-the-art technology, and I hope that experts will be able to find some agreement here, as well.   We also discussed the CFE Treaty. We discussed the enlargement policy of NATO. We spoke very frankly and in a very substantive fashion. And overall, I am satisfied that our partners are listening to us quite attentively, and I hope that here, as well, we are going to reach some true understanding. Of course, the Sochi declaration had to reflect our cooperation.   In business, we reaffirmed our mutual willingness to ensure Russia's early accession to the WTO on commercially viable terms and commercially justified terms that would not undermine Russia's economic interests. We hope that the ed States this year will make Russia exempt from the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, and we hope that the ed States will establish permanent normal trade relations with Russia. We have also reaffirmed our willingness to continue our business-to-business cooperation. Another relevant issue is the work on a new incremental agreement on the encouragement and mutual protection of investment.   Another important area of our cooperation is energy. Here we do have certain good progress. We hope that our energy dialogue will carry on, and we hope that it will involve major projects that would be in line with the interests of both countries.   This is my last meeting with President Bush in my current capacity, and I would like to mention here that I have always found it rewarding and interesting to deal with the U.S. President. I have always appreciated his honesty and his openness, his willingness to listen to his counterpart. And this is precious. We have been motivated by our sincere willingness to strengthen our partnership and to strengthen mutual understanding between our two nations. We have sought to find new horizons for our cooperation. And I'm grateful to George for the achievement that we can register, and this achievement is very much due to him and his support.   PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, Vladimir. Thanks for your gracious invitation. This is the very room where you served an unbelievably good dinner last night, with fabulous entertainment. Thank you for your hospitality. Laura and I are thrilled to be with you. And also, thank you for the briefing on the Winter Olympics. I'm sure the people in this area are really excited about the fact that you've been awarded the Winter Olympics. I congratulate you and wish you all the very best. And maybe you'll invite me to come as your guest -- who knows.   We spent a lot of time in our relationship trying to get rid of the Cold War. It's over. It ended. And the fundamental question in this relationship is, could we work together to put the Cold War in the past? And I fully recognize there are people in America and Russia that think the Cold War still exists. And sometimes that makes relations difficult. But it's very important for leaders to think strategically and not get stuck in the past, and be willing to advance agendas.   And so we worked very hard over the past years to find areas where we can work together, and find ways to be agreeable when we disagree. And I think we've done a pretty good job of it. And I want to thank you for your openness, as well. It's been a remarkable relationship.   Today, the signing of this strategic framework declaration really does show the bth and the depth of our cooperation. It shows where we differ, as Vladimir mentioned, but it shows that when you work hard, you can find areas where you can figure out how to cooperate. The document speaks of the respect of rule of law, international law, human rights, the tolerance of diversity, political freedom and a free market approach to economic policy and practices.   One of the areas where we've agreed to work together is in missile defense. And obviously, as Vladimir mentioned, this an area where we've got more work to do to convince the Russian side that the system is not aimed at Russia. As the agreement mentioned, we agree today that the ed States and Russia want to create a system for responding to potential missile threats, in which Russia and the ed States and Europe will participate as equal partners.   This is a powerful and important strategic vision. It's the vision that Vladimir Putin first articulated in Kennebunkport, Maine. For those of you there, you might remember the moment. And this is what we're building on. We're taking the vision that we discussed in Kennebunkport and now we're putting it in a document form, to help not only this administration but future American administrations work with future Russian administrations on this very important issue.   To help counter those threats, the ed States is working with the Czech Republic and Poland, and as the President has done consistently, he expressed his concerns about those relationships. There's no doubt where he stands. That's why I like him. You don't have to guess. And he is concerned about it. Yet Russia appreciates the confidence-building and transparency measures that we have proposed, and declared that if agreed and implemented, such measures will be important and useful in ensuring [sic]* Russia concerns.   He's got doubts about whether or not these systems are aimed at him. My view is, is that the more open we are, the more transparent we are, the more we share technological information, the more likely it will be that people throughout the system understand that this is an opportunity to deal with the threats of the 21st century, such as a launch from the Middle East or elsewhere. And the document shows areas where we agree and where we disagree, but where we can work together in the future. And I appreciate that very much.   We're talk -- we're working together to stop the sp of dangerous weapons, and I appreciate the fact that we're implementing the Bratislava Nuclear Security Initiative, which is an important initiative. We continue to work together to meet the threat of nuclear terrorism, including through the global initiative to combat nuclear terrorism. It's an important initiative in which the Russians and the ed States have worked cooperatively and have taken the lead.   We talked about Iran. As I told Vladimir, that in the States, when asked about this at the press conferences, I've always told people how much I appreciate his leadership on the Iranian issue. After all, Russia went to the Iranians and said: You should have civilian nuclear power. I agree. He then went on to say: And we'll provide the fuel for you. Therefore, there's no need for you to enrich.   And it's your leadership on this issue, Mr. President, that's very important in making sure that the regime honors the international commitments that we expect it to.   We briefly touched about the six-party talks with North Korea -- the need for us to work together to help that nation move forward.   We talked about fighting terror. The ed States has suffered terrorist attacks on its soil, as have Russia. And I will tell you, there's been no firmer person in the world who understands the threat of radicalism, and the capacity of these radicals and extremists to murder the innocent people. I remember full well when that happened on your soil. I remember our discussions right after -- right thereafter.   And I want to thank you for working hard to deal with terrorist and terrorist financing, to share intelligence to protect our people. That's our most important job. And we improved our relations along these fronts. We did talk about -- Vladimir did talk about economic cooperation. I support Russia's efforts to join the WTO. I support Russia's efforts to join the OECD. I think we ought to get rid of Jackson-Vanik. I think it's time to move this relationship in a new light. And I look forward to reminding Congress that it's in our interest to do such.   And so we had -- this is a good agreement, and a good understanding. And, Mr. President, this is our last meeting as Presidents and -- it won't be our last meeting as people, but it will be our last meeting as Presidents of our country. And it's a little bit nostalgic. It's a moment where it just proves life moves on. And I want to thank you for introducing me to the new President. We had a good meeting. And I appreciate you providing the opportunity for us to meet. And I look forward to working with him through the rest of my term.   In the meantime, thanks very much for your hospitality and your friendship, and for giving me a chance to have yet another press conference with you. (Laughter.)   PRESIDENT PUTIN: (As translated.) Dear colleagues, two questions from each side. The first question will be asked by our guests, the ed States.   Q President Putin, President Bush has expressed some confusion about who's going to run Russia's foreign policy when you step down and become Prime Minister. And he wondered who was going to represent Russia at the G8. Who is in charge? And will you represent Russia at the G8?   And, Mr. President, seven years ago you said that you looked into Mr. Putin's soul and that you found him to be trustworthy.   PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes.   Q You met today with his successor. Did you have a similar experience, and what was your take?   PRESIDENT BUSH: I did find him to be trustworthy, and he was trustworthy. 200806/41449泉州新阳光妇产有人工授精吗

泉州第一医院乳腺彩超多少钱President and Mrs. Bush Host Children's Holiday Reception and Performance THE PRESIDENT: Welcome to the White House. Yes! We're excited you are here. And we're excited you're here for a couple of reasons: One, we love to see the wonder in people's eyes when they get to see the majesty of the White House at this time of year. And I'm looking in your eyes and I'm seeing wonder. Secondly, I am glad you're here because I wanted to thank your moms and dads for serving the ed States of America. We love being with our military families because it gives us a chance to express the sincere and deep appreciation of all Americans for the sacrifices that families make. So I want to thank you for standing by your moms and dads, and telling them you're proud of them, and telling them you love them. Thirdly, I'm going to ask you to do us a favor, and that is when you email mom or dad, just tell them you came by the White House -- (laughter) -- and the President and Laura, the First Lady, sent a special holiday greeting. So you'll be the messenger. So your job is to say we respect your mom and dad, we admire your mom and dad, and we pray for your mom and dad. So would you do that for us? CHILDREN: Yes. THE PRESIDENT: And fourthly, I'm glad to be here because I get to introduce my wife. (Laughter.) It's a pretty neat thing, isn't it? CHILDREN: Yes. THE PRESIDENT: Now, Laura tells me you've aly seen Santa, had a few cookies -- CHILDREN: Yes. THE PRESIDENT: Yes? I'm surprised there's not more wiggling going on. (Laughter.) At any rate, please welcome my dear wife, First Lady Laura Bush. (Applause.) MRS. BUSH: Thank you very much, Mr. President. And thank you to each and every one of you who've come today. Every year, at this time of year, at the holiday season, we have a really fun event with boys and girls from different parts of the country. And today I'm happy to welcome students here from Russell Elementary at Quantico Marine Base in Virginia. Where are all the Russell Elementary kids? Great. Thank you all for coming. Then we have some kids from Dahlgren School at Dahlgren Navy Base in Virginia. Thank you all for coming. And we have West Meade Elementary from Fort Meade Army Base in Maryland. Thanks so much for you all coming. How many of you have a parent who's deployed? You have some parents who are in Iraq or Afghanistan, or somewhere else? THE PRESIDENT: Or on a ship. MRS. BUSH: Most of you don't? Okay. Well, thank your parents for all of us. We have a very special treat for our entertainment today. First, though, I want you to look at these Christmas trees, and you can tell by looking at them what our holiday theme is, and that's it's "A Red, White, and Blue Christmas." Can you tell it? CHILDREN: Yes. MRS. BUSH: And what does that mean? What is red, white, and blue? CHILDREN: Our flag. MRS. BUSH: Our flag. That's right. Those are our country's colors -- red, white, and blue. So this is a chance, on our very last Christmas here at the White House, to celebrate our country. And we're doing it by painting everything red, white, and blue. You probably saw the bunting on the garlands in the hall. And then if you looked at the big, big, blue Christmas tree in the Blue Room, you saw all those ornaments that represent every part of the ed States. Did you see any of those? CHILDREN: Yes. MRS. BUSH: Good. Okay, today we have a very special treat. We've invited a brass band to the White House to perform some fun versions of your favorite holiday songs. These musicians are right here -- from right here in Washington. They play at the ed House of Prayer, which is a church in Anacostia. And we hope you'll enjoy their unique style of music, which is performed in a gospel brass band tradition particular to their denomination. See if you can hear how the band's 16 instruments come together to sound like a gospel choir, with trombones playing different voices in harmony. So now, I'm delighted to introduce the Sweet Heaven Kings. (Applause.) 200812/58333 This morning, President Obama and Vice President Biden travelled to the Pentagon to attend the Armed Services farewell tribute in honor of Defense Secretary Robert Gates, one of the longest serving Secretaries of Defense in U.S. history. The President also presented Secretary Gates with the Medal of Freedom – the highest honor the President can bestow on a civilian.Download Video: mp4 (280MB) | mp3 (27MB) 201107/142808泉州治疗妇科病医院哪家好泉州摘环要多少钱



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