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2019年08月17日 22:50:11 | 作者:排名爱问 | 来源:新华社
Press BriefingsApril 06, 2010 | 53:45 White House Press Briefings are conducted most weekdays from the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room in the West Wing.Public Domain Download Video: mp4 (354MB) | mp3 (49MB) The White HouseOffice of the Press SecretaryFor Immediate Release April 06, 2010 Briefing by White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs, 4/6/10James S. Brady Press Briefing Room1:12 P.M. EDTMR. GIBBS: Good afternoon. Let’s start with a few quick announcements. As you all know, the President will host, on April 12-13, the Nuclear Security Summit at the Washington Convention Center here in D.C. I wanted to list for you all a couple of different things -- first, the 47 countries including the ed States that will participate in the summit. They include Algeria, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, the Czech Republic, Egypt, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, India, Indonesia, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Mexico, Morocco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Philippines, Poland, the Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Switzerland, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Thailand, Turkey, ed Arab Emirates, the ed Kingdom, Ukraine, and Vietnam. The ed Nations, the IAEA, and the European Union will also be represented.As part of the Nuclear Security Summit, the President is currently planning to host a number of bilateral meetings. Those include President Sargsian of Armenia; President Hu Jintao of China; Chancellor Merkel of Germany; Prime Minister Singh of India; King Abdullah II of Jordan; Prime Minister Najib of Malaysia; Prime Minister Gilani of Pakistan; President Zuma of South Africa; and President Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan. In addition to the President’s activities this evening, at the White House the President will host a screening of the documentary film, Nuclear Tipping Point, a film which focuses on today’s global nuclear dangers. The screening will be attended by four distinguished statesmen featured in the documentary: former Secretaries of State George Shultz and Henry Kissinger, former Secretary of Defense William Perry, and former Senator Sam Nunn; as well as film narrator Michael Douglas, and General Colin Powell, who provides a prologue to the film.201004/100800Another difficulty with giving a Harvard commencement address is that some students may disapprove of the fact that I will borrow material from previous speeches, as well from others. I ask that you forgive me for two reasons.[qh]在哈佛大学毕业典礼上发表演说,还有一个难处,那就是有些毕业生可能有意见,不喜欢我重复前人演讲中说过的话。我请你们谅解我,有两个理由。[qh] First, in order to be heard, it is important to deliver the same message more than once.[qh]首先,为了能让你们听进去,很重要的方法就是重复传递同样的信息。[qh] Second, authors who borrow from others are following in the footsteps of the best. Ralph Waldo Emerson, who graduated from Harvard at the age of 18, noted “All my best thoughts were stolen by the ancients.” Picasso declared “Good artists borrow. Great artists steal.” Why should commencement speakers be held to a higher standard?[qh]其次,借鉴他人的作者,正走在一条前人开辟的最佳道路上。拉尔夫·瓦尔多·爱默生18岁从哈佛大学毕业时曾写过这样的话:“我最好的一些思想曾被古人偷用过。” 画家毕加索宣称:“优秀的艺术家借鉴,伟大的艺术家偷窃。”那么,毕业典礼的演说者为什么就不适用同样的标准呢?[qh] I also want to point out the irony of speaking to graduates of an institution that would have rejected me, had I the chutzpah to apply. I am married to “Dean Jean,” the former dean of admissions at Stanford. She assures me that she would have rejected me, if given the chance. When I showed her a draft of this speech, she objected strongly to my use of the word “rejected.” She never rejected applicants; her letters stated that “We are unable to offer an admission.” I have difficulty understanding the difference. After all, deans of admissions of highly selective schools are in reality, “deans of rejection.” Clearly, I have a lot to learn about marketing.[qh]我还要指出一点,向哈佛毕业生发表演说,对我来说是有讽刺意味的,因为如果当年我斗胆向哈佛大学递交入学申请,一定会被拒绝。我的妻子迪恩·简,曾任斯坦福大学的招生办公室主任,她明确告诉我,如果当年我申请斯坦福大学,她会拒绝我。我把这篇演讲的草稿给她过目,她强烈反对我使用“拒绝”这个词,她从来不拒绝任何申请者。在拒绝信中,她总是写:“我们无法给你提供入学机会。”我不知道这两种说法有何差别。说到底,那些热门学校的招生办公室与其说是“准许他人入学的主任”,还不如说是“拒绝他人入学的主任”。很显然,我需要好好学学怎么来推销自己。[qh] /201206/187757国际英文演讲高手 Chapter1-3暂无文本 200709/17872

President Bush Delivers Commencement Address at Texas Aamp;M THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Howdy! AUDIENCE: Howdy! THE PRESIDENT: I am thrilled to be back in Aggieland. (Applause.) And it's always an honor to be introduced by the President of the ed States -- especially when he's your Dad. And how about Mom? Mom, I've been meaning to say this publicly for a long time -- thanks, thanks for the gray hair. (Laughter.) I congratulate the graduates of the Fighting Texas Aggie Classes of 2008 -- (applause) -- class of 2007 -- (applause) -- the class of 2006 -- I'd better stop. (Laughter.) Let's just say that I hope there's no one left from when I spoke to the commencement in 1998. (Laughter.) If so, I hope you're walking out of here with a Ph.D. (Laughter.) I am grateful to the faculty and staff of Texas Aamp;M for their devotion to learning and their example of scholarship. I appreciate your outstanding President, Dr. Elsa Murano. And I am glad to be with -- there you go. (Applause.) And I am glad to travel from Washington today with three fine Aggies representing Texas in the ed States Congress -- Congressmen Chet Edwards, Joe Barton, and Jeb Hensarling. (Applause.) I am pleased to see so many of your families and loved ones here today. While you bled maroon, they bled a lot of green. (Laughter.) So please join me in thanking all those whose support made it possible for you to reach this proud day. (Applause.) There is one person who wishes he could be here today -- and that's your former President, and America's Secretary of Defense, Bob Gates. (Applause.) You know, he's got an excused absence. It's not like he's over at the Dixie Chicken. (Laughter.) He's traveling to the Middle East, consulting with our generals, and showing his support for the men and women of the ed States Armed Forces. (Applause.) When I asked Bob to be the Secretary of Defense, it was clear how much he loved Texas Aamp;M. After all, he refused to come to Washington until after he attended the winter commencement. And I was even more impressed when he insisted on standing during the Cabinet meetings -- (laughter) -- claiming he was the "12th Man." (Laughter.) One day, he explained it all. He said: "Mr. President, I'm red ass." (Applause.) I'll say this for Aamp;M -- you've got some mighty fine traditions. (Applause.) Back in my day, I think I would have enjoyed dunking my ring. (Applause.) I would have loved to have taken Laura to "midnight yell." (Applause.) I especially like the traditions around Reveille. Anytime she barks during a class lecture, everyone in the room is dismissed. (Applause.) I wish she had been there for some of those press conferences. (Laughter and applause.) This campus is home to solemn rituals that demonstrate the strength of your bonds. In playing of Silver Taps to honor fallen classmates, in the reunion of students and alumni to the roll call at Muster, and in wearing of your timeless rings, you affirm a powerful truth: Once an Aggie, always an Aggie. (Applause.) Traditions like these are central to the Aamp;M experience. And so is academic excellence, and all of you will benefit from your rigorous courses of study. I suspect you'll also find that some of your most important learning took place outside the classroom -- in the friendships you formed, perspective you gained, and the things you discovered about yourselves. When you leave this campus, you will be well prepared for any endeavor you choose. To those of you who have jobs lined up, I -- congratulations. To those not exactly sure what comes next -- I know how you feel. (Laughter and applause.) As our days in the White House wind down, we're going through a series of "lasts." I pardoned my last Thanksgiving turkey. Laura decorated for her last Christmas in the White House. And Barney bit his last reporter. (Laughter.) Or at least that's what we hope. (Laughter.) This is also my last commencement address as President. (Applause.) And it is fitting that it takes place here in Texas, where I have been so blessed over the years. I was raised here by wonderful parents, surrounded by brothers and sisters whose love still sustains me. And Texas is where I went to a backyard barbeque and met a beautiful teacher named Laura Welch. Texas is where our girls were born and our lifelong friends live. And next month, when our time in Washington is done, Texas is where we're coming home. (Applause.) These days, I'm asked a lot about my time as President. Some days have been happy, some days not so happy -- every day joyous. It's been a tremendous privilege. I have traveled across our nation, and to 74 countries around the world. I have slept in Buckingham Palace; I have feasted in the desert of Abu Dhabi; I've watched the sunrise in Jerusalem. I have spoken to campaign rallies in packed stadiums, and to hundreds of thousands in Romania's Revolution Square. I've taken Marine One into America's biggest cities, and visited many of our smallest towns. Through it all, nothing has inspired me more than the character of the American people -- the acts of courage and service that sustain our free society, and make this the greatest nation on Earth. (Applause.) 200812/58660

John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)][Administering of the Oath of Office]Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. ed there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the ed Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady sp of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."sup1;And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"sup2; a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.200606/7514

Barbara Jordan: 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address"Who, then, will speak for the common good?" [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight. There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special? I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties. They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none. This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardless of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us. Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party. Let everybody come! I think it no accident that most of those emigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds. We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The government must remove them, seek to remove them. We -- We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We believe that. This, my friends, is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built. *Let's all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable. In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more. That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to vote Democratic.* We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition. Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart. They'll recognize that. Now -- Now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good? This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future. We must not become the "New Puritans" and reject our society. We must address and master the future together. It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor. It can be done. There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community. This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the ed States who can veto that decision. As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson:Let us restore the social intercourse -- "Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things."A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the "common good" and begin again to shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.Now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves "public servants" but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future. If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce. If we say to the American people, "It is time for you to be sacrificial" -- sacrifice. If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance.Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough, difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny. If each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny.I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.I have that confidence.We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic. There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by ing a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates:"As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master." This -- This -- "This expresses my idea of Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy."Thank you.200606/7521

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Speaker, members of my family and friends, my countrymen, and the friends of my country,主席先生,副总统先生,首席大法官先生,众议院议长先生,我的亲友们,同胞们及我们国家的朋友们:wherever they may be, we meet again, as upon a like moment four years ago, and again you have witnessed my solemn oath of service to you.尽管大家分散在各地,但我们又重新相聚,正如四年前的此刻一样,你们再次亲眼目睹我庄严宣誓为你们诸位务。I, too, am a witness, today testifying in your name to the principles and purposes to which we, as a people, are pledged.今天,我也是一个见人,对于我们作为一个民族而保奉行的原则和目标,我以你们的名义来作。Before all else, we seek, upon our common labor as a nation, the blessings of Almighty God.首先,我们寻求全能的上帝保佑我们作为一个国家所做的共同努力。And the hopes in our hearts fashion the deepest prayers of our whole people.我们心中的希望造就了全体人民最深切的祝福。May we pursue the right—without self-righteousness.但愿我们追求正义而不自命公正。May we know unity—without conformity.但愿我们懂得在求同存异的基础上保持团结。May we grow in strength—without pride in self.但愿我们的力量不断壮大而杜绝骄傲自满。May we, in our dealings with all peoples of the earth, ever speak truth and serve justice.但愿我们与世界各国人民交往时永远讲真话和奉守公道。And so shall America—in the sight of all men of good will prove true to the honorable purposes这样,美国将在一切怀有善良愿望的人们面前明,它对各项光荣的目标是忠诚不渝的。that bind and rule us as a people in all this time of trial through which we pass.在我们所经历的充满考验的整个时代里,我们作为一个民族受到这些目标的制约和配。We live in a land of plenty, but rarely has this earth known such peril as today.我们生活在一个富饶的国度,但是整个世界却面临从未有过的危机。In our nation work and wealth abound.在我们的国家里,人民各安其业,财富十分丰裕。Our population grows. Commerce crowds our rivers and rails, our skies, harbors, and highways.我国的人口不断增加。我们的河流、港口、铁路和公路舟车云集,天空飞机穿梭,商业一派兴旺繁盛。Our soil is fertile, our agriculture productive. The air rings with the song of our industry我国土地肥沃,农业出产丰富。rolling mills and blast furnaces, dynamos, dams, and assembly lines the chorus of America the bountiful.天空里回荡着工业奏出的乐章,这是一曲由轧钢机、冶炼炉、发 电机、大水坝和装配线所奏出的富足美国的大合唱。This is our home—yet this is not the whole of our world.这就是我们的国家。但这并不是我们世界的全部景象。For our world is where our full destiny lies—with men, of all people, and all nations, who are or would be free.因为我们的世界包括我们的全部命运所涉及的每一角落,已获自由和即将获得自由的国家和人民都在其中。And for them—and so for us—this is no time of ease or of rest.对他们说来,现在并不是悠闲自在和高枕无忧的时候。In too much of the earth there is want, discord, danger.对我们来说亦复如此。在这个地球的许多地方,还存在着贫困、纷争和危险。New forces and new nations stir and strive across the earth, with power to bring, by their fate, great good or great evil to the free worlds future.新的势力和新兴的国家在全球各地纷纷奋起抗争,对自由世界的未来来说,他们的力量注定不是带来巨大的裨 益,就是造成巨大的灾难。02/433476

PRIME MINISTER'S INTERNET BROADCAST, 13 APRIL 2000 - RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA I'm sometimes asked why so much of a Prime Minister's time is spent on foreign affairs when there are so many pressing problems here at home. And I've got some sympathy with this point of view, not least because I know more than anyone what needs to be done here. But I also know that in a world which is increasingly interdependent, building good relationships between countries has never been more important. For Britain's national interests. Next week I will meet Vladimir Putin, the Acting President of the Russian Federation here in London. When I was growing up, like many of you, the Cold War was at its height. Our relations with Russia and the old Soviet Union were characterised by hostility and mutual suspicion. Since then, we have witnessed a transformation which few people would have believed possible. President Putin arrives here as the democratically-elected leader of a country in the midst of a massive transformation. He was the overwhelming choice last month of the people of Russia in free and fair elections. And while much has changed, Russia remains a great and powerful country - and an increasingly important partner for us in business. It's a country with which we share a continent and many common concerns and interests. Russia is the European Union's largest trading partner. Many British firms are aly playing their part in rebuilding and modernising its economy and many more firms want to follow their example. Russia is also a country, freed of the shackles of communism and dictatorship, which has the potential to make a huge contribution for good in the world. Its soldiers serve alongside ours in Bosnia and Kosovo, and we work closely with Russia in the ed Nations Security Council where we are both Permanent Members. All of this explains why the decision to continue building a strong relationship with the new democratic Russia must be the right one. And it is a relationship that Russia is keen to foster as well. Britain is here seen as having something of a pivotal role, because of our place in Europe, the close relationship with our European partners but also the fact that we've got a close partnership with the ed States of America. However I understand why there is some controversy about President Putin's visit, just as there was over my decision to accept his invitation to meet him in St. Petersburg last month. Off course there is real concern over what is happening in Chechnya. Last month when I met President Putin, we talked this over in detail together. I can understand Russia's need to respond to the threat of force from extremists and terrorists. But I am also clear that the measures taken should be proportionate and consistent with its international obligations. Russia should allow full access to international organisations which have a role to play in Chechnya and I hope that Russia will act on the clear lesson from similar such conflicts around the world: that there are no purely military solutions. Political dialogue is essential. So of course I will take the opportunity of the visit to London to repeat our concerns, clearly and frankly to President Putin. But I believe that the best way to ensure that Russia responds to these international anxieties is through engagement not isolation. And this chance to talk directly and frankly about matters of difference as well as issues of shared concern demonstrates why meetings of this kind are so important. It's a fact that today problems and solutions rarely stop at national borders. Events in one country quickly spill over to their neighbours. We live in a global economy. Economic decisions made in one country have an impact on the other side of the world as we saw with the Asian economic crisis a couple of years ago. Politics too, however, is becoming increasingly globalised. So it is more vital than ever that we maintain friendships between countries and leaders, build new ones and share experiences and views for the benefits of our citizens. It is in the end only by building alliances and winning arguments that Britain, for example, was able to help shape a new economic agenda agreed at last month's European summit which focussed the whole direction of European economic policy far more strongly, rightly so, on jobs and future prosperity and economic reform. It's only through our ties with the ed States and European partners that we were able to act successfully together to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and allow one million people who otherwise would be refugees in Europe, allow them to return home. We have aly seen greater co-operation between Russia and this country than anyone could have forecast just fifteen years ago. But we have to build on this, consign the Cold War relationship to the past and grasp the opportunity for real partnership in the future. A partnership from which not just both our countries, but also Europe as a whole, can benefit. And we can see this aly despite our differences. We have worked together, in bringing stability to the Balkans. There is increasingly close co-operation, for instance, between our security forces in tackling international organised crime and drugs. This co-operation has to be in the best interests of our two countries and our citizens. And like all such relationships, it can only be enhanced by direct and personal contact. For some Britain is an island, and as a result of being an Island, and we should almost try to isolate ourselves as much as possible from the world around us. But this inward-looking view is not the true lesson of British history. My belief, passionate belief, is that our historic role has been of a Nation outward-looking and engaged. For me Britain thrives when we make allies, argue our corner; take our case out to the world. That's why we will be having this meeting with President Putin in London next week and why I will continue working at home and abroad to do all I can to protect our security, promote British interests, British jobs and British prosperity. 200705/13317

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