襄阳枣阳妇幼保健院中医院体检怎么样120典范

明星资讯腾讯娱乐2019年07月22日 03:27:23
0评论

Tadashi Maeda was visibly agitated. Addressing an investment forum in Kuala Lumpur, the senior managing director at Japan Bank for International Cooperation assured the packed hall that Japan would redouble its efforts to secure a contract to build the proposed 350km high-speed railway to link the Malaysian capital to Singapore, at an estimated cost of between .7bn and .5bn. 去年10月,在马来西亚首都吉隆坡的一个投资论坛上,日本国际协力(JBIC)执行董事前田匡史(Tadashi Maeda)向满场观众保日本将加倍努力获取马新高铁的建设合同。这条拟建的高铁全长350公里,将连接吉隆坡和新加坡,预估费用在97亿美元到145亿美元之间。前田匡史讲话时,可以明显看出他的不安。 Mr Maeda had good reason to be agitated. He was speaking last October, a month after the Indonesian government surprised many by awarding a .5bn, 150km Jakarta to Bandung high-speed railway contract not to Japan — which had spent five years on feasibility studies and pushing Jakarta to get the project going — but to China. It shocked the Japanese establishment , which had been certain of success. 他的不安是有充分理由的。就在那之前的一个月,印度尼西亚政府将投资55亿美元,全长150公里的雅加达—万隆高铁项目给了中国,而不是日本,令许多人感到惊讶。此前,日本已经花了五年时间对这个项目进行可行性研究,并推动印尼政府实施这个项目。这件事震惊了一直觉得自己胜券在握的日本当局。 Mr Maeda should brace himself again. FT Confidential Research, a unit of the Financial Times, believes China is the early favourite to win the Malaysian contract, too. 眼下前田匡史应该再次做好心理准备。英国《金融时报》旗下“投资参考”(FT Confidential Research)认为,中国在争取马新高铁合同的竞争中也初步领先。 Japan was the favoured development partner for Malaysia under former premier Mahathir Mohamad in the 1980s and the 1990s. But under Najib Razak, prime minister since 2009, China has moved to the fore. 上世纪八九十年代,马来西亚前总理马哈蒂尔#8226;穆罕默德(Mahathir Mohamad)执政期间,日本曾是马来西亚所青睐的开发合作伙伴。但自现任总理纳吉布#8226;拉扎克(Najib Razak)2009年上台以来,中国跑到了前头。 Over the past five years, China-based companies have successfully participated in high-profile infrastructure projects. The .1bn Second Penang Bridge — partly financed by an 0m loan from the Chinese government — was built by the state-owned China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) together with Malaysia-based UEM Group. 过去5年里,中国企业已成功地参与了一些备受瞩目的基础设施项目。国有的中国港湾工程(CHEC)与马来西亚UEM Group一起建造了“槟城第二大桥”(Second Penang Bridge),这座桥投资11亿美元,部分资金来自中国政府提供的8亿美元贷款。 More significantly, in the rail sector about 80 per cent of Malaysian rolling stocks are Chinese made. The Malaysian rail business is so lucrative that China Railway Construction Corporation (CRCC) opened a m rolling stock manufacturing plant in the country in July 2015. 更值得注意的是,马来西亚铁路部门80%的列车是中国制造的。2015年7月,中国铁建(CRCC)在马来西亚投资9700万美元开设了一家铁路车辆制造厂,从中可以看出马来西亚铁路业务利润多么丰厚。 CRCC is part of the Chinese consortium led by freight transporter China Railway bidding for the Kuala Lumpur-Singapore line. The party also includes China Railway Signals amp; Communication and China Communications Construction (the parent company of CHEC). 中国铁建是竞标马新高铁的中国联合体成员之一,联合体由中国中铁(China Railway)牵头,其他成员还包括中国铁路通信信号(China Railway Signals amp; Communication)以及中国交通建设(China Communications Construction,中国港湾工程的母公司)。 China’s cause may have been helped by its support for 1MDB, the controversial state investment fund at the centre of corruption allegations bedevilling Mr Najib. The prime minister and 1MDB deny any wrongdoing over 0m that landed in his personal bank accounts from a mysterious foreign source. 中国在马来西亚的事业可能受益于其对马来西亚国家投资基金“1MDB”的持。该基金备受争议,处于困扰纳吉布的腐败指控的核心。对于纳吉布个人账户上来自海外不明来源的6.8亿美元巨款,纳吉布本人与1MDB都否认存在任何不法行为。 1MDB was at risk of default until China saved it in November and bought a set of power assets from the fund for .3bn. 1MDB also sold part of its stake in a large plot of prime land in Kuala Lumpur to China Railway, the same plot which the Najib government has designated as the Malaysian terminus of the planned high-speed line. 1MDB原本已面临违约风险,直至去年11月中国施以援手——以23亿美元购入该基金旗下电力资产。1MDB还将其在吉隆坡一大片黄金地块的部分股份卖给了中国中铁,纳吉布政府已将这一地块指定为规划中的马新高铁马来西亚段终点站。 Mohd Azharuddin Mat Sah, head of Malaysia’s Public Land Transport Commission, denies the land sale gives China an advantage in the race. He insists Malaysia and Singapore will award the contract through an open tender to be held this year, with 2023 as the target completion date. 马来西亚陆路公共交通委员会(Public Land Transport Commission)首席执行官阿扎鲁丁(Mohd Azharuddin Mat Sah)否认此笔土地出让会让中国在高铁竞标中获得优势。他坚称,马来西亚和新加坡将在今年通过举行公开招标决定合同归属,工程预定完工时间为2023年。 But the denial will be of little comfort to the Japanese consortium comprising East Japan Railway, Sumitomo, Hitachi and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries. 但言辞上的否认并不能让由东日本旅客铁路(East Japan Railway)、住友(Sumitomo)、日立(Hitachi)及三菱重工(Mitsubishi Heavy Industries)组成的日本联合体感到安心。 /201603/431113

The recent suggestion that breastfeeding should be allowed in the chambers of Parliament has been denounced by MP Simon Burns, who thinks it will open the Commons to ridicule. I wonder what the headmistress who recently enraged the likes of me by asserting that her girls could hope for a serious career or children, but not both, would think of that.近期一个允许国会议庭内母乳喂奶的提议被下院议员Simon Burns谴责,他认为这会使平民百姓耻笑。我很好奇那位女校长会怎样想,她最近因声称女孩只能在正经的工作和孩子之间选择一个而激起众怒。The possibility of combining children with outside work has, of course, always been accepted when it came to menial work – the women down the mines used to complain that the belts hurt them “when they were in the family way” – but not for well-educated middle-class lasses. But even in the days when such women “didn’t work” they actually did a vast amount. For example, as I’ve said before, the young women sent out to marry Englishmen ruling India had to control all the staff and cater for the whole outfit – the kind of stuff which would have counted as a serious job if a man had been doing it.当然了,涉及到粗活累活,大家都能接受将孩子和工作结合起来——矿井下的女性曾抱怨怀的时候传送带勒得他们疼——但对受过高等教育的中产阶级女性却不是这样。但即使是在这些女性“没有工作”的时候,他们也实际上做了大量的工作。比如,像我之前说的,那些嫁给统领印度的英国人的年轻女性要管理全体人员并提供全部装备——这些活如果让男人来做就会被视为正经的工作。My mother had no salaried job, but when my father was a housemaster at a public school she was responsible for the catering and staff, and my father had only become the housemaster because the wife of the one before him had fallen ill, so the man couldn’t continue.我的母亲做着没有工资的工作,但是当我父亲曾任公立学校舍监的时候,她负责饮食和参谋,并且我父亲成为舍监也是因为他之前的那任舍监由于妻子生病而无法继续。There was a time, too, when a doctor’s wife was an essential part of his practice; she’d know a good deal about the patients and maybe how they got their illnesses. It is only now that so many of us get the credit for our work – whether we’ve got children or not.曾经还有一段时间,医生的妻子是他业务中重要的部分,她会了解很多病人的情况,或许知道他们是如何生病的。只有现在我们很多人才能因为自己的工作而且受到奖赏,不论我们有没有孩子。译文属原创,,不得转载。 /201512/415067

  RIO DE JANEIRO — After a long day trying to set world records, win a medal or just finish a strenuous event, even the world’s top athletes want to unwind.里约热内卢——在漫长的一天里,运动员们努力地想要创造世界记录、拿奖牌或只是完成一个艰苦的比赛项目。这一天结束后,即便是全球顶级运动员也会想要放松一下。But with night life options lacking at the futuristic towers of the Olympic Village, many competitors opt for the short stroll to a watering hole with a curious name: the Bar do Bin Laden.但在奥运村的未来派建筑里,夜生活选择有限。在这种情况下,很多运动员选择走一小段路,去一家名字奇怪的豪饮之处:本#8226;拉登酒吧(Bar do Bin Laden)。Yes, it’s named after Osama bin Laden, the founder of Al Qaeda, but not because of any extremist fervor. Instead, it’s a nod to the appearance of the bar’s long-bearded owner, who bears a resemblance to the mastermind of the devastating 2001 attacks on American soil.是的,它是以基地组织(Al Qaeda)的创始人奥萨马#8226;本#8226;拉登(Osama bin Laden)命名的,但并不是出于任何极端主义狂热。相反,它反映的是留着长胡子的酒吧老板的外貌。他长得有点像在幕后策划了2001年美国境内遭受的毁灭性袭击的那个人。“After Sept. 11, everyone starting calling me Bin Laden for obvious reasons,” said the owner, José Felipe de Araújo. “The nickname stuck, so I decided to use it to my advantage.”“9#8226;11以后,所有人都开始叫我本#8226;拉登,原因很明显,”酒吧老板若泽#8226;费利佩#8226;德阿劳若(José Felipe de Araújo)说。“这个绰号一直这么叫着,于是我决定让它为我所用。”Mr. Araújo, 60, a former manual laborer who opened his establishment more than a decade ago, receives thirsty customers from around the globe with a warm welcome, plates of grilled sirloin, pizzas and tall bottles of Antarctica beer served “stupidly cold,” as is the custom in Rio de Janeiro, the first city in South America to host the Olympics.阿劳若曾是一名体力劳动者。十多年前,他开了这家店。现年60岁的他会热情地欢迎来自世界各地想喝点东西的顾客。他会奉上一盘又一盘烤牛腰肉和披萨,并按照里约热内卢的习惯端上“透心凉”的南极洲牌(Antarctica)瓶装啤酒。这里是南美洲首座举办奥运会的城市。Curiously, the decidedly unkempt Bar do Bin Laden here in Rio’s distant suburbs, where dozens of patrons gather until past midnight during the Games, isn’t the only saloon in Brazil named for the Saudi who was hunted down and killed in Pakistan in 2011.位于里约远郊的本#8226;拉登酒吧看起来乱糟糟的。奥运会期间,会有数十名顾客聚集在这里,待到午夜过后。离奇的是,它并非巴西唯一一个以那名遭到追捕并最终于2011年在巴基斯坦被击毙的沙特阿拉伯人命名的酒吧。Another Bar do Bin Laden attracts a heavily pierced clientele in downtown S#227;o Paulo. The Bin Laden Espetinhos Bar serves up skewers of meat in Belo Horizonte. Deep in the backlands of Pernambuco State in the northeast, in the city of Salgueiro, a Bin Laden bar serves delicacies like torresmo, freshly fried pork crackling.圣保罗闹市区的另一家本#8226;拉登酒吧吸引了大批身体上有穿孔的顾客。贝洛奥里藏特市的本#8226;拉登烤串酒吧(Bin Laden Espetinhos Bar)供应肉串。在巴西东北部伯南布哥州的腹地萨尔盖鲁市,一家本#8226;拉登酒吧供应各种美食,如现炸猪皮torresmo。Though reviled in much of the West, the Bin Laden name generally does not carry the same stigma in Brazil, a country that has been spared the large-scale terrorist attacks that have horrified many other parts of the world. A sense of rebellion and defiance might also play into the proliferation of the Bin Laden phenomenon.在西方众多地区,本#8226;拉登这个名字是诅咒的对象。但巴西没发生过让世界其他很多地方陷入恐惧的那类大规模恐怖袭击,于是它并没有带上极端负面的含义。一种叛逆和反抗感可能也促进了本#8226;拉登现象的扩散。One of Brazil’s most popular funk singers is named – you guessed it – MC Bin Laden.巴西最火的放克歌手之一就叫——大家已经猜到了吧——MC本#8226;拉登(MC Bin Laden)。For his part, Mr. Araújo, clad informally in denim shorts and sandals, proudly said that his clients came from around the world, reflecting a broad range of nationalities and political and religious beliefs. Officially, his establishment is called Pizzeria Specialle, but asking for directions using that name elicits empty stares in the neighborhood where he lives with his wife and five children.随意地穿着牛仔短裤和凉鞋的阿劳若自豪地说,他的顾客来自世界各地,国籍和政治宗教信仰各异。这家店的正式名字叫不一样的披萨店(Pizzeria Specialle),但在阿劳若夫妇及五个孩子居住的社区里,用这个名字问路只会让对方茫然地看着你。“This is the Bar do Bin Laden,” he proclaimed as he grilled steaks for his signature dish, a mountain of food on a plate that includes rice, beans, pasta and meat. It goes for about .40, a fraction of the cost of eating at one of more upscale restaurants near the Olympic venues. One evening this week, South African, Slovenian, Korean and Ukrainian visitors nursed beers near the billiards tables, alongside construction workers scarfing down Mr. Araújo’s food.“这里叫本#8226;拉登酒吧,”他一边为自家的招牌菜烤着牛排一边说。这道菜盘子里堆的食物像一座小山似的,里面有米饭、豆类、意面和肉。一份售价约为4.40美元,只相当于在奥运场馆附近更高端一些的餐厅吃一顿饭花费的零头。本周的一个傍晚,来自南非、斯洛文尼亚、韩国和乌克兰的顾客在台球桌旁边慢慢地品尝啤酒,身旁的建筑工人则对着阿劳若烹制的食物狼吞虎咽。“The Olympic Village gets boring and the food is somewhat, well, monotonous,” said Carlos Vizcaino Sánchez, 48, a Cuban émigré who coaches track and field athletes in the Seychelles, the 115-island country in the Indian Ocean.“奥运村变得无聊了,吃的也有些单调,”塞舌尔田径教练、48岁的古巴人卡洛斯#8226;比斯凯诺#8226;桑切斯(Carlos Vizcaino Sánchez)说。塞舌尔位于印度洋上,由115座岛屿组成。“I never thought I’d find Bin Laden in Rio, but here he is,” said Mr. Sánchez as he sipped a beer. “I’m glad to have encountered this piece of the real Brazil.”“我从来没想到会在里约发现本#8226;拉登,但他就这里,”桑切斯一边小口喝着啤酒一边说。“我很高兴偶遇了这个能体现真实巴西的地方。” /201608/461307

  。

  

  

  Multinational companies are accustomed to fighting epic legal battles against each other in US or EU courts, often with global consequences. 跨国公司已经习惯于在美国或欧盟法院打漫长而艰难的法律战,而且这些官司通常会带来全球后果。They should brace themselves for the opening of a third front — in China. 如今,它们应该为新出现的第三个战场做好准备——中国。Two weeks ago a little-known Canadian company, Wilan Inc, sued Sony in the eastern Chinese city of Nanjing for alleged patent infringement involving technologies used in the Japanese group’s LTE-standard smartphones.两周前,名不见经传的加拿大公司Wilan Inc在中国东部南京市对索尼(Sony)提起诉讼,指控这家日本集团的LTE标准智能手机使用的技术涉嫌专利侵权。Wilan is what critics call a patent troll, a company that collects payments from other companies on its intellectual property but produces little if anything itself. Wilan正是批评者口中的专利流氓——利用知识产权向其他公司收取费用而自己不从事生产的公司。If Wilan wins, Sony could be barred from selling and exporting its LTE handsets as early as next summer. 如果Wilan获胜,索尼可能最早在明年夏天被禁止销售和出口其LTE手机。The potential ban on exports is the real threat, given China’s pivotal role in almost all global manufacturing chains.考虑到中国在全球制造业几乎所有链条中的关键作用,潜在的出口禁令将是索尼面临的真正威胁。Imagine a similar suit with the same potential consequences, only with an Apple or a Samsung cast as the defendant. 设想一起可能带来相同后果的类似诉讼,只是将被告换成苹果(Apple)或三星(Samsung)。The impact on consumers would be enormous. 这将对消费者造成巨大冲击。A new corporate era beckons in which a Chinese judge could conceivably cut off the lifeblood of some of the world’s most valuable companies.企业将面临一个新时代,在这个时代,一名中国法官就能够切断一些全球最具价值公司的命脉。It was not so long ago that China’s legal system just did not factor into the risk calculus of most global companies. 就在不久前,中国的法律体系还未进入多数跨国公司的风险计算。When entering into contracts with Chinese parties, foreign companies tended to insist that disputes be heard in overseas arbitration venues — including Hong Kong. 在与中方伙伴签订合同时,外国公司倾向于坚持在海外(包括香港)对争端进行仲裁。Then they hoped that they never had cause to resort to arbitration given the difficulty of enforcing judgments back in China.鉴于中国内地执行判决的难度,它们希望永远不要有争端诉诸仲裁。August 2013 is arguably when this began to change. 可以说,这种情况发生变化始于2013年8月。That was when the National Development and Reform Commission fined six baby formula manufacturers — five of them foreign — more than 0m in a landmark enforcement of China’s young anti-monopoly law.那时,中国国家发展和改革委员会对6家婴儿配方奶粉制造商(其中5家为外国公司)开出了逾1亿美元的罚单,对于中国出台时间不长的《反垄断法》,这是一次具有里程碑意义的执法。The NDRC announced its decision in a terse statement that shed little light on the reasons underpinning its findings. 发改委在一份简短声明中宣布了该决定,声明对撑其调查结果的理由语焉不详。It basically said the six companies were guilty of various infractions, had confessed their guilt and would not contest the fines. 声明笼统地表示,这6家公司犯有多种违法行为,已经承认违法,不会对罚款提出异议。The announcement reinforced the impression of China as a jurisdiction where such decisions were capricious — and credible legal appeals not an option. 这份声明强化了这样一种印象:在作为司法管辖区的中国,这样的决定随心所欲,且无法进行可靠的法律上诉。In that same month, however, a much lower profile case in Shanghai highlighted how quickly China’s legal system was evolving, making it a much more serious jurisdiction for dealing with corporate disputes.然而,就在同一个月,上海一起不那么引人注意的案件凸显了中国法律体系的飞快发展,意味着中国成为处理企业纠纷的一个严肃得多的司法管辖区。Once again the foreign defendant lost. 在这起案件中,外国被告方再次输掉了诉讼。The Shanghai High Court ruled that Johnson amp; Johnson’s medical devices arm had, in contravention of China’s anti-monopoly law, set a minimum retail price for its local distributors. 上海高级人民法院判决,强生(Johnson amp; Johnson)的医疗设备公司对当地经销商限制最低转售价格,此举违反了中国反垄断法。But the court also issued a voluminous ruling detailing the reasons for its verdict. 但是,该法院也公布了篇幅较长的判决书,详细解释了作出该判决的原因。In doing so, it overruled a similarly detailed lower-court ruling in favour of the US company.如此一来,它推翻了下级法院作出的同样详细、但有利于强生的判决。The legal back-and-forth was as substantive as any coming out of a US or EU case. 这场法律拉锯战,与美国或欧盟案件的判决结果一样意义重大。It quickly became fodder for equally dense analyses by lawyers expert in the field. 它很快受到该领域法律专家同样密集的分析。Nor was it a simple matter of a foreign plaintiff ending up on the wrong side of a Chinese court judgment. 它也不是外国原告在中国的法院判决中结果变成被告这样简单的事情。While Jamp;J lost, it was ordered to pay only a fraction of the damages sought — Rmb530,000 (,300) against a claim of Rmb14.4m.尽管强生输掉了官司,但它只被判决向原告付53万元人民币(合7.73万美元)的赔偿,与原告索赔的1440万元人民币相比只是很小的金额。The manner in which the Jamp;J case was adjudicated also hints at a potential miscalculation by Wilan, which filed its suit against Sony in the city that was the scene of the worst Japanese war crime in China during the second world war — the Rape of Nanking. 强生案审判的方式也暗示了Wilan可能的误算,后者针对索尼提起诉讼的城市正是二战时日本在华犯下最严重的战争罪行——南京大屠杀——的地方。Some would say that’s clever but I wouldn’t be surprised if the Nanjing courts, which have a good reputation, bend over backwards to be nice to Sony, says Joe Simone, a Hong Kong-based intellectual property rights specialist. 有人会说此举很聪明,但如果拥有良好声誉的南京法院努力公正对待索尼,我也不会感到意外,常驻香港的知识产权专家乔.西莫内(Joe Simone)表示:They don’t want to be seen as a place to go and spear Japanese companies.他们不想被视为人们可以去攻击日本企业的地方。The NDRC baby formula ruling remains instructive. 发改委对婴儿配方奶粉案的裁决仍然具有启发性。It would be a foolish multinational that dared to take on a Chinese government regulator in the country’s Communist party-controlled court system and expect to win. 只有愚蠢的跨国企业,才敢在中国共产党控制的法院系统中挑战政府监管部门、并且期望赢得诉讼。But when it comes to corporate litigation, the Wilan and Jamp;J cases show that China is an increasingly important jurisdiction that multinationals ignore at their peril.但是,当涉及公司诉讼时,Wilan和强生案表明,中国是一个越来越重要的司法管辖区,而跨国企业危险地忽视了这点。 /201611/478973

  

  

  

  

  SEVNICA, Slovenia — On days when Melanija Knavs could not play outside or grew tired of knitting her navy blue sweaters, she and her friends would exchange notes along the lines of yarn they strung between their apartment block balconies.斯洛文尼亚塞夫尼察——每当梅拉尼娅·克纳夫斯(Melanija Knavs)不能去外面玩,或织海军蓝毛衣织累了的时候,她会和朋友们通过在公寓楼的阳台之间扯出的纱线传递信息。In clear handwriting, Melanija mused about the boys of her dreams.梅拉尼娅以清晰的笔迹写下了她对自己的梦中男孩的想法。She could not have seen what was coming. Melanija Knavs is now Melania Trump, and she is one election away from being the first foreign-born first lady since Louisa Adams. She is to address millions of Americans on Monday night in a televised speech at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland.她完全没有预料到自己的未来会是什么样子的。梅拉尼娅·克纳夫斯现在的身份是梅拉尼娅·特朗普(Melania Trump),如果她的丈夫在接下来的大选中获胜,她将成为继续路易莎·亚当斯(Louisa Adams)之后的首位在外国出生的美国第一夫人。在周一晚上于克利夫兰举行的共和党全国大会(Republican National Convention)上,她将对数以百万的美国人发表电视讲话。But interviews with her former classmates, friends of her family and others who knew them during her youth in Slovenia suggest that her transformation owes less to chance than to the Knavs family’s determination to seize openings and avoid getting stuck.《纽约时报》采访了她过去的同班同学、家庭友人以及她在斯洛文尼亚度过的青年时期认识的一些人。结果发现,与其将她的转变归功于机遇,不如说是克纳夫斯一家抓住机遇、不甘于现状的决心成就了她。Her father, a larger-than-life personality who reminds her childhood friends of Donald Trump, belonged to the Communist Party, an exclusive club whose members sometimes joined because of career ambitions as much as ideology. Her mother, an industrious and striking woman, went from harvesting red onions on her family’s farm to a career in the town’s textile factory. She always found time to make sure her two daughters dressed to impress, sewing clothes for them after her work shift ended.梅拉尼娅的父亲是一位颇具传奇色的人物,会让她童年时期的朋友想到唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)。他是共产党党员。相较于意识形态的原因,也有很多人是因为未来更好的职业发展加入了这个门槛颇高的“俱乐部”。她的母亲是一位勤劳而又引人注目的女性,最初在自家农场收割红皮洋葱,后来进入镇里的纺织厂工作。她在下班后会为两个女儿缝制衣,总是抽时间给她们打扮,确保她们的衣着会引人赞叹。Melania Trump herself trained her bright eyes on the next thing. Once she left Sevnica for high school in Ljubljana, now Slovenia’s capital, she rarely came back to see her old friends. Once she left Ljubljana for a modeling career in Milan and then elsewhere in Europe, Slovenia receded from view. And once she moved to New York, where she caught the eye of Donald Trump, 24 years her senior, during a Fashion Week party at the Kit Kat Club, she never looked back.梅拉尼娅·特朗普永远把自己明亮的眼睛瞄准前方。自从离开塞夫尼察,去卢布尔雅那——斯洛文尼亚现在的首都——上高中以后,她很少回去见她的老朋友。自她离开卢布尔雅那,去米兰,之后到欧洲其他城市发展自己的模特事业之后,斯洛文尼亚也退出了她的视野。而自从她搬到纽约,然后在那里的Kit Kat俱乐部举行的一场时装周派对上引起大她24岁的唐纳德·特朗普的注意之后,她再也不曾回头。“She tried to find opportunities,” said Damijan Kracina, 46, a high school classmate. “And took them.”“她努力寻找机会,”她的高中同学、46岁的达米扬·克拉齐娜(Damijan Kracina)说。“然后抓住它们。”Melania Trump, born in 1970, grew up in this hilly town of 4,500 best known around Slovenia, at least until Donald Trump entered the presidential race, for its medieval castle and annual salami festival. Then, Slovenia was the northern region of Yugoslavia, ruled by Josip Broz Tito, a Communist dictator who kept his distance from the Soviet Union and allowed more freedoms than did other Eastern bloc leaders.梅拉尼娅·特朗普出生于1970年,在这个人口4500人的丘陵城镇长大,这个城镇在整个斯洛文尼亚最出名的事物是其中世纪城堡和一年一度的萨拉米香肠节,至少在唐纳德·特朗普参加美国总统大选之前是如此。当时,斯洛文尼亚还属于南斯拉夫的北部地区,由共产党独裁者约瑟普·布罗兹·铁托(Josip Broz Tito)统治。铁托与苏联保持了一定的距离,比起其他苏东集团国家,允许民众拥有更多自由。But under Tito, there were clear benefits to being a member of the Communist Party, to which only a tiny percentage of Slovenians belonged. Some inherited membership through parents, particularly if they had resisted the Nazis, as Tito had; others by exhibiting unusual talent.不过在铁托的统治之下,当一名共产党员可以获得明显的好处。当时,只有很少数的斯洛文尼亚人能够加入共产党。一些人是从父母那里继承了党员资格,尤其是如果他们曾经像铁托那样反抗过纳粹的话;其他人则是因为展现了不同寻常的才华得以入选。While it is not clear how Melania Trump’s father, Viktor, joined — available records in Ljubljana simply list him as a member — others from the Sevnica Communist Party mentioned his work as a driver for a neighboring mayor and then for the director of the government-owned textile factory, Jutranjka, across the river, as possible entry points.尽管并不清楚梅拉尼娅·特朗普的父亲维克托是如何加入的——在卢布尔雅那可以找到的记录仅仅显示他是一名共产党员——但塞夫尼察的其他一些共产党员提到,他曾先后为附近城市的市长和位于河对岸的Jutranjka国有纺织厂厂长开车,这或许是他得以加入的原因。While the Knavs, along with Melania Trump, declined to be interviewed about their years in Slovenia, a spokeswoman for the Trump campaign, Hope Hicks, said that Knavs had never been an “active member” of the party.尽管克纳夫斯一家,连同梅拉尼娅·特朗普都拒绝就他们在斯洛文尼亚时期的生活接受采访,但特朗普竞选团队的发言人霍普·希克斯(Hope Hicks)表示,克纳夫斯从来都不是共产党“积极分子”。Donald Trump, in an interview last month, said he had never discussed the topic with his father-in-law. “But he was pretty successful over there,” he said. “It’s a different kind of success than you have here. But he was successful.”唐纳德·特朗普上月接受采访时称,他不曾和岳父谈论过这个话题。“但他在那边非常成功,”他说。“与这里相比,那是一种不同意义上的成功。但他的确很成功。”In 1972, the Knavs moved into a larger apartment in a new housing block for workers of the government-owned textile factory, including Melania’s mother, Amalija, nicknamed Malci. She drew patterns for children’s clothes and later designed them, crossing the bridge to the factory every day in heels.1972年,克纳夫斯一家搬进了一个新住宅楼内一套更大的公寓。这些住宅是为包括梅拉尼娅的母亲阿马利娅(Amalija)——昵称马尔奇(Malci)——在内的国有纺织厂的工人提供的。阿马利娅每天穿着高跟鞋过桥到厂里工作,她为童装描绘图案,后来还开始设计童装。In 1985, Melania left Sevnica, traveling on the narrow roads along the slow-moving Sava River, green from the reflection of the wooded hills, and through coal mining towns on the way to Ljubljana. There she attended the Secondary School of Design and Photography, housed in an arcaded Renaissance monastery.1985年,梅拉尼娅离开了塞夫尼察,沿着缓缓流动、被葱翠山丘映成绿色的萨瓦河旁狭窄的道路,穿过几个煤矿城镇,来到了卢布尔雅那。她在那里的设计与摄影中等学校(Secondary School of Design and Photography)上学,该校坐落于一座带拱廊的文艺复兴时期的修道院内。She lived in an apartment that her father, who had opened a bicycle and car parts shop in Ljubljana, had bought a few years earlier on the outskirts of the city. The building superintendent, Joze Vuk, lived on their floor, and he recalled that Viktor Knavs was displeased that after he had paid for his unit, the government decided to set aside some of the apartments as rentals for construction workers.她住在父亲于几年前在卢布尔雅那郊区购买的一套公寓内。她父亲之前就在这个城市开了一家自行车和汽车零件铺。这座公寓楼的管理员约热·武克(Joze Vuk)和他们住在同一楼层,他记得在维克托·克纳夫斯花钱买下这套公寓之后,政府决定拨出楼里的一些公寓租给建筑工人。维克托为此感到不快。“We were all angry because most of the residents were not prepared to invest in the block,” said Vuk, who also owned an apartment. “They were renters of a public property and did not care.”“我们都很生气,因为大多数这类居民都不准备把钱花在房子上,”武克说,他当时也拥有一套公寓。“他们是公共物业的租赁者,才不会在意。”Viktor Knavs sought to distinguish himself from his neighbors. “He always wore a tie, smart clothes and carried a briefcase,” Vuk said. “You could not avoid noticing him.”维克多·克纳夫斯希望在邻居当中显得与众不同。“他总是打着领带,衣履光鲜,拿着一个公文包,”武克说。“你不可能注意不到他。”Melania and her older sister, Ines, also stood out, for their looks, their wardrobe and the makeup they put on whenever they left the apartment. At school, Melania kept her distance from peers listening to the Cure or Metallica, Kracina said, and gravitated toward a clique of pop music fans who hung out at the Horse’s Tail bar by the Triple Bridge in Ljubljana.因为长相、穿着,还有每次离开公寓时脸上化的妆,梅拉尼娅和伊内丝(Ines)也很显眼。克拉齐娜说,在学校的时候,梅拉尼娅没有跟那些听The Cure和Metallica乐队的同龄人玩在一起,而是受到一小群流行乐爱好者的吸引,混在卢布尔雅那三桥旁边的马尾酒吧(Horse’s Tail)里。Melania had also begun a process that would carry her away from Slovenia. In January 1987, the photographer Stane Jerko spotted her and asked if she would be interested in modeling.梅拉尼娅还开始涉足后来让她能够离开斯洛文尼亚的事业。在1987年1月,摄影师斯塔内·叶尔科(Stane Jerko)发现了她,询问她是否有兴趣做模特。She proved somewhat wooden, but “pridna — diligent, obedient,” Jerko said. She told him she wanted to get better. Jerko passed the photographs he snapped of Melania — hair up, hair down, gym clothes, flowing dress — to a Slovenian cultural center, which admitted her to a fashion course for models in the fall of 1987.她有点呆板,不过是个“好姑娘——勤奋又听话,”叶尔科说。梅拉尼娅告诉他,自己想取得进步。叶尔科把他拍的梅拉尼娅的照片——头发扎上去、散开来、身穿运动装、飘飘长裙等——发给了斯洛文尼亚的一家文化中心。1987年的秋天,这家文化中心录取她参加模特的时尚课程。Melania’s entire family sensed potential in her modeling. After high school, she concentrated on her career, dropping out of architecture school. (She still claims on her website to have graduated.) On one occasion, Kravs drove his Mercedes to the shop of the seamstress Silva Njegac, hours from Ljubljana, to order leather dresses for Melania that his wife had designed.梅拉尼娅全家嗅到了她从事模特工作的潜力。高中以后,她开始专注这份事业,从建筑学院退学。(她目前仍在自己的网站上宣称从学院毕业。)有一次,克纳夫斯开着奔驰车前往距离卢布尔雅那几小时车程的地方去找裁缝西尔瓦·叶加奇(Silva Njegac),订制梅拉尼娅的妈妈为她设计的皮裙。A second-place finish in Jana magazine’s Slovenian Face of the Year contest in 1992 expanded Melania’s ambitions. In a fashion for a Slovenian label, she wore a skirt suit, exited a plane shadowed by bodyguards and signed papers at the national library. “She was acting like the president of the ed States,” said Andrej Kosak, the director.到了1992年,梅拉尼娅夺得了《Jana》杂志举办的“斯洛文尼亚年度面孔奖”评选的第二名,让她提升了自己的抱负。在为斯洛文尼亚某品牌拍摄的时尚视频中,她身穿短裙套装,在保镖的环绕中走下飞机,在国家图书馆里签署文件。“她表现得像是美国总统,”视频的导演安德烈·科萨克(Andrej Kosak)说。She would soon Germanize her name to Melania Knauss and become an international model.很快,她就把自己的名字按照德文拼写换成了梅拉尼娅·克瑙斯(Melania Knauss),成为了国际模特。Melania Trump’s parents spend much of the year with their daughter and her 10-year-old son, Barron, at Trump Tower in Manhattan or at Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida, where they enjoy the pool. But they have also brought a whiff of the campaign back to Sevnica, where they now own a handsome house. Alongside the sloping lawn and the beige Mercedes, one finds security guards to turn away unwanted visitors.梅拉尼娅·特朗普的父母如今每年会花许多时间与女儿和10岁的外孙巴伦(Barron)一起待在曼哈顿的特朗普大厦,或者前往唐纳德·特朗普在佛罗里达州棕榈滩的马阿拉歌庄园,去享用那里的游泳池。不过,他们也带了一丝竞选的气息到塞夫尼察。二人在那里拥有一栋漂亮的别墅。除了倾斜的草坪和那辆米色的奔驰车,还有安保人员在那里驱赶不速之客。In Sevnica, Viktor Knavs has confided in Matej Novsak, his longtime mechanic, and complained recently about Donald Trump’s whiplash-inducing inconsistency.在塞夫尼察的时候,维克多·克纳夫斯会对多年为自己务的机修工马泰·诺夫萨克(Matej Novsak)吐露心声。他近期抱怨过唐纳德·特朗普前后不一,容易招致猛烈的批评。“#39;One time it is this, the other time that,#39; ” Novsak said Viktor Knavs had told him. The mechanic said that Viktor Knavs had also said that Donald Trump was unwanted by Republicans and that he did not understand his wealthy son-in-law’s need to pursue the presidency. “#39;Why does he have to do it?#39;” the mechanic said Viktor Knavs had told him.“一会儿是这样,一会儿又是那样,”诺夫萨克表示克纳夫斯这样对他说。他称,克纳夫斯还说,唐纳德·特朗普受到共和党人的排斥,自己不明白身家丰厚的女婿有什么必要去竞选总统。“他为什么非得做这个?”诺夫萨克回忆起克纳夫斯的疑问。When told of his in-laws’ bewilderment, Donald Trump said, “They are not the only ones.”得知岳父母的困惑后,唐纳德·特朗普回应,“不光是他们这么想。” /201607/455327

  • 赶集助手襄樊铁路中心医院医生的电话多少
  • 襄阳襄城妇幼保健院中医院治疗子宫肌瘤怎么样
  • 襄阳四医院怎样网上分享
  • 普及活动襄阳医院男科医院
  • QQ信息襄阳妇幼保健医院治疗痔疮怎么样
  • 南漳县妇幼保健院中医院做孕检怎么样
  • 襄阳中心医院男科医院排名99门户
  • 安大全铁四局一处襄樊医院看泌尿科怎么样
  • 襄阳宜城市人民医院早孕检查多少钱
  • 老河口市妇幼保健医院割包皮丽资讯
  • 枣阳市一医院治疗肛周囊肿多少钱
  • 百姓媒体襄阳四院医院不育不孕
  • 襄阳治疗湿疹赶集媒体襄州医院人工流产怎么样
  • 襄樊市中心医院割包皮费用
  • 保康县妇幼保健院中医院治疗宫颈炎多少钱
  • 襄阳谷城县人民中心医院治疗男性不育怎么样
  • 求医报襄城区人民医院治疗肛周囊肿怎么样
  • 襄阳妇保医院几点营业
  • 襄樊人民医院妇科在线咨询
  • 襄阳人民医院痛经多少钱
  • 襄阳市东风医院阴道
  • 飞晚报襄阳妇保医院治疗痔疮怎么样
  • 好社区襄阳中医医院收费标准搜医问答
  • 襄阳市职业病防治医院男科预约好医分类襄阳市第四人民医院治疗痔疮多少钱
  • 问医指南襄阳妇保医院私密整形平安对话
  • 襄阳中医医院有药流吗
  • 鱼梁洲开发区人民医院子宫肌瘤怎么样
  • 襄阳四院前列腺炎多少钱
  • 老河口第一医院男科专家
  • 襄阳谷城县人民医院治疗女性不孕多少钱
  • 相关阅读
  • 襄阳哪里切包皮过长
  • 放心频道襄阳市四院白带常规多少钱
  • 襄阳包皮哪个医院比较好
  • 妙手在线襄阳宜城市人民中心医院是私立的还是公立的
  • 襄阳一医院流产多少钱平安解答
  • 襄州医院 治疗龟头炎怎么样
  • 知道共享襄樊中心医院报价
  • 襄阳那些医院祛痣较好
  • 襄阳无痛处女膜修复
  • 百姓解答谷城妇幼保健院中医院男科咨询最新助手
  • 责任编辑:大河网

    相关搜索

      为您推荐