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福清做人流大概需要花多少钱东瀚镇妇幼保健医院在线咨询Criminal cities犯罪的城市The secret of success成功的秘密Americas great crime wave is receding from some cities faster than others美国巨大的犯罪浪潮正在从一些城市以比其他城市更快的速度削减BETWEEN getting out of his car and starting work in the morning, Bashir Akinyele, a beret-wearing history teacher in Newark, New Jersey, passes the sites of two murders. His school, Weequahic High, once taught Philip Roth, a giant among Americas novelists. Its entrance is now blocked by a metal detector; armed cops share the corridors with teenage girls. In the streets nearby almost every intersection has been the site of a shooting. “Ive been a teacher for 20 years,” says Mr Akinyele. “And in that time, Ive lost 38 students.”Bashir Akinyele, 一个戴着贝雷帽的新西泽州纽瓦克市的历史老师,早上在离开他的车去工作的过程中,经过两个谋杀案的现场。美国小说巨匠Philip Roth毕业于他教书的学校——Weequahic 高中。这个高中的入口现在被金属探测器堵住了,武装好的警察和青少年女孩都在走廊上。在附近的街道上几乎每一个十字路口都发生过击案。“我做老师已经20年了”, Akinyele先生说,“在这期间,我失去了38名学生。”Weequahic is only 30 minutes drive from Manhattan, but a world apart. In 1991 Newark and New York City had roughly the same murder rate: 32 and 29 per 100,000 respectively. But by last year New Yorks rate had fallen to four and Newarks had jumped to 40, according to the latest data published on November 14th by the FBI. On a night out in Brooklyn, the main threat is getting caught in a boring conversation with a hipster. In Newark, when darkness fell, your correspondent was ushered back downtown by police.Weequahic 距离曼哈顿只有三十分钟的车程,但是却是两个世界。在1991年纽瓦克市和纽约有差不多的谋杀率,分别是3.2%和2.9%。但是根据美国联邦调查局11月14号颁布的最新数据,去年纽约的谋杀率已经降到了0.4%但是纽瓦克市的谋杀率却上升到了4%。在布鲁克林晚上外出的最大威胁是跟一个潮人进行无聊的对话。在纽瓦克市,当夜幕降临后你的联络人会被警察带回市区。Over the past 20 years, crime has fallen spectacularly in America and across the rich world. The FBI data suggest it is still falling: violent crime decreased by 4.4% between 2012 and 2013, and murder is now less common than at any time since the end of the 1950s. Criminologists have countless plausible theories to explain this, ranging from less lead-poisoning to the rise of car immobilisers. Yet the difference between cities such as Newark, which remain dangerous, and those like New York, which are safe, suggests a somewhat subtler explanation.在过去的20年,美国和富有地区的犯罪率明显降低。美国联邦调查局的数据显示犯罪率还在降低:暴力犯罪率在2012到2013年间下降了4.4%,现在的谋杀率19世纪50年代末以来历史最低。犯罪学家有无数的貌似可行的理论来解释这个现象,从更少的铅中毒到更多的汽车防盗器。现在纽瓦克市这类仍然很危险的城市和纽约这种安全的城市之间的差别在一定程度上表明了微妙的解释。In Washington, DC the murder rate has dropped from a terrifying 81 per 100,000 in 1991 to a fifth of that now. In Los Angeles gang warfare has largely given way to organic coffee bars, and burglaries and robberies have become rare. Yet cities like Philadelphia and Chicago have experienced more modest improvements. And in places like Baltimore, Newark and Detroit some crime rates have barely fallen.华盛顿1991年的犯罪率是惊人的8.1%,现在下降到当初的五分之一。在洛杉矶,有组织的咖啡吧很大程度上取代了帮派群架,偷盗行为也变得更稀少了。现在费城和芝加哥这类城市已经经历了一个较为温和的改善。但是巴尔的、纽瓦克市和底特律这样的城市犯罪率几乎没有下降。One possible explanation is the varying quality of local government. In New York and Los Angeles, reformers such as Rudy Giuliani, who was New Yorks mayor in the 1990s, and Bill Bratton—chief of police in both cities at different times—forced cops out of their cars, adopted data-driven policing and tried to make public spaces feel safe. They reckoned that residents had to trust the police for crime to fall—which meant purging corruption—and that criminals had to be deprived of convenient places to hang out.一个可行的解释是地方政府的质量不同。在纽约和洛杉矶,Rudy Giuliani(1990年担任纽约的市长)和Bill Bratton(在不同的时间担任过两个的城市的警长)这类的改革者命令警察到他们警车以外的地方,采取数据驱动政策并且努力使公共区域感到安全。他们希望居民相信警察能够使犯罪率降低,这意味着清除腐败,以及犯罪者会从方便大家闲逛的地方被清除。In Newark, by contrast, Sharpe James, the mayor until 2006, was imprisoned in 2008 on fraud charges. His successor, Cory Booker, now a Democratic senator, did much to attract investment into downtown Newark, and managed for a short time to reduce crime and overhaul the police department; but the money ran out, and he later had to cut the force sharply. The present mayor, Ras Baraka, a more traditional rabble-rouser, has hired new cops, but the police force remains troubled (it is, uniquely, monitored by the federal Justice Department). When The Economist visited, the new police director and police chief led officers on a “community walk” around a sketchy neighbourhood. They seemed to spend much of their time telling people how excellent the new mayor is.相反,在纽瓦克市,2006年以前的市长Sharpe James,在2008年被指控欺诈而锒铛入狱。他的继任人Cory Booker,现在是民主党派参议院,做了很多事情吸引对纽瓦克市中心的投资,并曾经有段时间成功地减少了犯罪、翻修了警局。但是钱被用光了,后来他不得不大量减少这些措施的力度。现在的市长Ras Baraka是一个更加传统的暴力煽动者,他雇佣了新的警察,但是警局的武力仍然有问题(的确,是唯一一个被联邦司法部监管过的警局)。当《经济学人》采访的时候,这个新的警局领导者和警长领着这些人在周围大致地进行了一次“社区散步”。他们似乎花了很多时间告诉人们这个新市长是多么地好。Some think that too much prison breeds nastier criminals: when released, they may be more dangerous than when they went in. In Philadelphia most homicides stem from stupid arguments, often between ex-convicts, says Lieutenant John Stanford of the local police. Newark has 278,000 people yet, each month, 1,400 prisoners are released from the local jail.一些人认为太多的人被关进监狱滋生了严重的犯罪率:被释放后,他们也许会比进监狱前更加危险。在费城,大多数杀人事件起源于愚蠢的争吵,通常是发生在有前科的人之间,地方警察中尉John Stanford说。纽瓦克市至今有278,000人,每个月有1,400名犯人从地方监狱被释放。However, incarceration rates are high throughout America, so this cannot explain the specific ills of its most crime-ridden cities. Nor can poverty: unemployment in New York City is not much lower than it was in the 1990s. Rather, according to John Roman, a researcher at the Urban Institute, a think-tank, crime is like a contagious disease. People who are vulnerable to criminality—poor, badly-educated young men—are far more likely to become criminals when they are surrounded by men much like themselves.然而,在整个美国入狱率都很高,所以这个说法不能够解释大多数被犯罪率困扰的城市的具体问题。贫穷也不能够解释这个问题:纽约的失业率自19世纪90年代以来就没有降低。相反,据城市学院的调查者、智囊团John Roman所说,犯罪就像是传染病。人们在犯罪面前是很脆弱的——当贫穷的、没有受过教育的年轻人聚成团的时候,他们是很容易犯罪的。Although cities like New York and Los Angeles have plenty of poor people, they are—by American standards—not unusually segregated by race or income. The presence of ambitious new immigrants in deprived neighbourhoods provides an inoculation against crime. In Weequahic, by contrast, deindustrialisation led to depopulation. Whites and many middle-class blacks have fled. Those who remain are mostly poor and desperate. Low property prices provide little incentive for people to clean up blight.即使像纽约和洛杉矶这样的城市也有大量的穷人,他们经常被美国的标准——种族或者收入隔离。附近雄心勃勃的新移民的出现有效的遏制了犯罪的发生。相反,在Weequahic,遏制工业化导致人口减少。白人和中产阶级的黑人逃离了,留下来的大都是穷人和绝望的人们。低楼价不能激励人们打扫这个脏乱的地方。Even in the most dangerous cities, however, there is hope. Urban populations are now growing across most of the country. In Philadelphia crime rates, though still high, dropped sharply last year. At a police town-hall meeting in the west of the city, people complain about noisy bars, troublesome children and illegal parking. A new charter school and a growing student population are changing the neighbourhood. Shootings are still frighteningly common, admits the local police captain, but milder worries are creeping in.然而,即使在最危险的城市,希望仍然存在。现在大多数城市市区的人口正在增加。尽管费城的犯罪率还是很高,但是相比去年已经降低了不少。在西部城市的警方市政会议上,人们抱怨吵闹的酒吧、烦人的孩子和非法停车。一个新的宪章学校和不断增加的学生数量正在改变这个地方。地方警局承认,击案仍然惊人地常见,但是人们的担心越来越少。译者:周颖君 译文属译生译世 /201412/345531南岭镇中医医院男科专家 福清市中医院医生介绍

福清妇女医院预约时间表福清治性病医院多少钱 Dying at home家中安息Home help家庭援助The government wants you to have a comfortable (and cheap) death政府愿您安乐(又经济)的告别人世Still, its better than hospital家还是比医院好DEATH comes to all, but some are more sure of its timing, and can make plans. Kate Granger, a 32-year-old doctor suffering from an incurable form of sarcoma, has “very strong ambitions” for her last hours. She plans to avoid hospital emergency departments and die at her parents house—music playing, candles glowing, family by her side.每个人都会死,但是有些人却更加清楚自己何时会死,且可以提前做好计划。32岁的凯特·格兰格是一位医生,却身患无法治愈的恶性肿瘤,她对自己剩下的时间有巨大的野心。她不打算死在医院的急诊室,而是她父母的房子—音乐为歌,烛光为舞,亲人相伴。Surveys show that over two-thirds of Britons would like to die at home. Like Dr Granger, they want to be with family and free of pain. Yet hospital remains the most common place of death. For some this is unavoidable—not every disease has as clear a turning point as cancer—but for others a lack of planning is to blame. The government, motivated by both compassion and thrift, wants to help.调查显示,三分之二的英国人都意欲在家面对死亡。就像格兰格医生一样,他们想在亲人身边,免受病痛折磨。然而医院仍旧是死神降临最常见的地方。这在某种程度上是不可避免的—不是每种疾病都像癌症一样有一个明显的转折点—但是对其他疾病来说,缺乏规划则应负主要责任。在同情心和节俭理念共同的驱使下,政府需要伸出援助之手。In death, at least, public wishes align neatly with the states desire to save money. The NHS has calculated that if roughly one more patient per general practitioner died outside hospital each year, it would save 180m (5m). In 2008 it introduced a broad end-of-life care strategy, which sought to increase awareness of how people die while improving care. Since then the proportion of people dying at home or in care homes (the split is about half-and-half between them) has increased, from 38% to 44%.至少在面对死亡时,公众的愿望刚好和国家想要省钱的愿望结合在一起。英国国民健康保险制度已经大致计算出,如果每年每个普通医师医治的病人在原来的基础上增加一个选择死在医院外面,就会节省1.8亿英镑(约合2.95亿美元)。2008年,国家介绍了一个大范围的临终关怀方案,意欲在提升护理的同时增加人们对如何死亡的认知。自那时起,选择死在家里或者老人院的人数(以上两种情况大约五五开)已经从38%增加到了44%。To steer patients away from hospitals, general practitioners have been encouraged to find their 1%—those patients likely to die in the next year—and start talking about end-of-life care. This can be difficult for doctors. “As a profession we view death as failure,” says Dr Granger. Yet when there is no cure to be had, planning for death can be therapeutic for patients.为了引导病人们出院,普通医师已经开始鼓励找到那1%即将在下一年离世的病人,并且开始对他们采取临终护理。对医生来说这很困难。格兰格说“作为医生,我们将死亡看做失败”。即使没有什么治疗方法,为死亡做好充分的计划对病患来说也是有益的。Those who do plan ahead are much more likely to have their wishes met. A growing number of patients have electronic “palliative-care co-ordination systems”, which allow doctors to register personal preferences so that other care providers can follow them. A paramedic called to a patients home would know of a do-not-resuscitate order, for example. One study showed that such systems increase the number of people dying in their homes.提前计划的人更有机会实现愿望。越来越多的病人都有了电子“疗养协调系统”,这使得医生可以把个人喜好输入系统,其他疗养提供者可以按医生嘱咐执行。比如说护理人员给病人家里打电话,会了解到他们不愿再接受治疗的愿望。一调查显示,这个系统增加了在家死亡的人数。But savings for the government may mean costs for charities and ordinary folk. At the end of life it is not always clear who should pay for what. Although Britons can get ordinary health care without paying out of pocket, social care is means-tested. People must often shell out for carers or care homes—or look after the terminally ill themselves. Disputes crop up over trivial things, like responsibility for the cost of a patients bath.但政府的存款可能要付慈善机构和普通人的花费。生命走到尽头,谁应该为什么付钱并不明了。虽然英国人可以不用掏腰包就获得普通的医疗保健,社会福利仍然有待检验。人们必须为照护者或者养老院付钱—或者亲自照顾末期病患。在小事上经常出现纠纷,比如病患洗澡的费用该由谁承担。A bill now trundling through Parliament would cap the cost of an individuals social care. Still, some want it to be free for those on end-of-life registries. That would cut into the governments savings—but allow more people to die as they want.一项通过议会的议案可以覆盖个人社会福利的费用。仍有一些人希望那些生命即将走到尽头的人可以获得免费的社会福利。这将会直接减少政府储蓄—但也会让更多人以自己想要的方式告别人世。译者:张丹 校对:周雨晴 译文属译生译世 /201511/410842东瀚镇妇幼保健院妇科挂号

宏路街道妇幼保健院生殖科 The abuse of mobile-phone data手机数据的滥用The two towers两个发射塔Junk science is putting innocent people in jail伪科学正将无辜的人民推向囹圄。SOMEONE strangled a prostitute in Portland, Oregon in 2002. The police arrested Lisa Roberts, the victims ex-lover, who spent more than two years in custody awaiting trial. Shortly before the trial the prosecutor told Ms Roberts, via her lawyer, that tower data collected by Verizon, her mobile-telephone network, showed precisely where she was at the time of the murder. As her lawyer recalled, the prosecutor said Ms Roberts could be “pinpointed” in a park shortly before the victims naked and sexually assaulted corpse was found there. She was told she faced 25 years to life in prison. She accepted a deal to plead guilty and serve 15 years.2002年,在奥勒冈州波特兰市,一名被勒死。警方逮捕了丽莎·罗伯茨,受害者的前任情人,且被拘留两年多等候审判。在审判前不久,检察官通过律师,告诉罗伯茨,由威瑞森通讯公司收集到的发射塔数据,即她的手机网,精确地显示了她在案发时的位置。她的律师回忆道,检察官说罗伯茨有可能是“被定位”到公园,而且不久受害者一丝不挂,遭到性侵犯的尸体也是在那被发现的。罗伯茨被判25年有期徒刑。她接受一项协议:承认有罪并刑15年。But the high-tech evidence against her was bunk. Routinely collected tower data can place a mobile phone in a broad area, but it cannot “pinpoint” it. That would require a special three-tower “triangulation”, which cannot reveal past locations. It took a decade for Ms Robertss guilty plea to be thrown out. On May 28th she left prison, her criminal record clean, after nearly 12 years in custody.然而,指控罗伯茨的高科技据是假的。常规情况来说,发射塔的数据可以收集手机在相当宽范围内的信号,但却无法对其“定位”。要定位则需由特殊的三塔“三角网”,而这依旧无法显示你曾去过哪。罗伯茨花了十年才洗脱罪名。拘留12年后,2014年5月28日,她出狱了,无犯罪记录。Mobile-phone-tower location data is widely used in court, says Steven Jansen of the Association of Prosecuting Attorneys in Washington, DC. Last year Americas courts and law-enforcement agencies served 37,839 subpoenas, court orders, and search warrants for location data just to one phone company, ATamp;T. This years figure had aly climbed to 30,886 by the end of June, the company says.华盛顿原告律师协会史蒂芬·詹森说,手机发射塔定位数据广泛用于法庭。去年,美国法院和执法部门向美国电话电报公司发出了37,839张传票、法院命令以及对其定位数据的搜查令。该公司称,截止到今年六月底,已经收到30,886张了。In the past couple of years defence lawyers have brought in more experts to challenge tower evidence, says Mr Jansen. Most police officers and lawyers have “no clue” how phone networks function, says Ryan Bialas, a North Dakota public defender. Cop shows like “CSI” give juries the idea that scientific evidence is almost infallible. But tower data is far less accurate than prosecutors sometimes claim.詹森说,在过去几年,辩护律师已经引进越来越多的专家来质疑发射塔据。北达科他州公设辩护律师Ryan Bialas说,大部分警官和律师对手机网运行原理“摸不着头脑”。在警匪题材的剧集中,类似“现场犯罪调查”让陪审团信以为科学提供的据几乎是不会出错的。但是发射塔的数据远没有检察官说的那样精准。Location, location, location定位,定位,定位Cherry Biometrics, a Virginia forensics firm, has testified in more than 20 trials where tower evidence was being used. In all of them, says Michael Cherry, the boss, prosecutors misunderstood the technology. Often they would assert that mobile phones connect to the nearest tower. In fact, two calls dialled consecutively from the same spot may connect to two different towers: one close by, the other many miles away. Defence lawyers sometimes use the same “junk science” to support alibis, adds Mr Cherry.Cherry Biometrics是一家位于弗吉尼亚州的取公司。该公司老板迈克尔·谢里实,在20多个涉及发射塔据的审判中,检察官误解了该项技术。通常情况下,该技术只是确定手机连接上了附近的发射塔。事实上,在同一个地方连续两次拨号有可能会连接两个不同的发射塔:一个是附近的,另一个可能是几英里远的。谢里先生补充道,辩护律师有时会使用相同的“伪科学”技术来持不在场明。The tower cited in Ms Robertss case could have handled calls from as far as 20 miles (32km) away, according to a deposition prepared by Cherry Biometrics. Which tower a phone connects with depends on such factors as how thick the nearby foliage and walls are, the size of nearby cars and bodies of water, and how well the handset is working. None of this information is usually recorded.Cherry Biometrics准备的一份词中写道,本文引用的罗伯茨案件,其发射塔可务范围可能是方圆20英里(即32公里)。手机连接发射塔有以下几个影响因素:附近的树叶有多浓密,墙有多厚,附近的车是大是小,水域是大是小,以及是否正常使用手机。这些影响因素从来就不会记录备份。Without it, much of the tower evidence presented in court is useless, writes Larry Daniel of Guardian Digital Forensics in a forthcoming book on the subject. Mr Daniel has found errors in nearly half of the 240 consulting jobs he has done for prosecutors and defence lawyers. Even so, tower records do have a place in court, says Mr Daniel: they can generally prove that a handset has moved between broad areas such as non-adjacent cities.卫报数字取的拉里·丹尼尔,在一本即将付梓的书中这样写道,....法庭上使用的大部分发射塔据都是无效的。丹尼尔先生已经帮助检察官和辩护律师做过近240次咨询工作,他发现其中有一半都有问题。即使如此,发射塔的记录在法庭上还是有一席之地的,丹尼尔先生说,这些记录可以明手机在宽广地区的移动情况,比如不相邻城市之间。Preventing the misuse of tower data should not be hard, though it can be expensive. Guardian Digital Forensics charges 0 an hour for its expertise. The judge who freed Ms Roberts faulted her lawyer, now dead, for failing to challenge mobile-phone evidence that would probably have collapsed before a jury. William Teesdale, the chief investigator for Portlands federal defenders office, complains that the prosecutor, Rod Underhill, never addressed another call on Ms Robertss phone around the same time as the one that supposedly placed her at the murder scene. It connected to a different tower, farther away from the park and closer to a spot where Ms Roberts had been seen by a witness. Mr Underhill refused to comment.防止发射塔数据的滥用并不困难,但费用昂贵。卫报数字取局使用该项技术花费每小时250美元。无罪释放罗伯茨的法官责怪她的律师没能质疑手机据,而这一据本可以在陪审团那被推翻的。现在她的律师已经死了。波特兰市联邦辩护律师办公室首席调查员William Teesdale抱怨鲁德·昂德希尔检察官就罗伯茨一案,并未提出罗伯茨手机上事发的另一通电话,因为那一通电话有可能将罗伯茨定位在犯罪现场。手机连接上了另一个不同的发射塔,这个塔离公园很远,而距离目击者看到罗伯茨的地点很近。检察官昂德希尔拒绝回应。 /201409/328454江阴镇人民医院有无痛人流术吗城头镇儿童医院能刷社保卡吗

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