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明星资讯腾讯娱乐2019年08月22日 21:49:02
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Business商业报道Losing its coast has not stopped Ethiopia developing its shipping失去海岸綫并未使埃塞俄比亚停止其海运的发展ETHIOPIA became landlocked in 1992,1992年,厄立特里亚国新成立,when its Red Sea coast was lost to the new state of Eritrea.从埃塞俄比亚手中取得红海海岸,使埃塞俄比亚变成了内陆国家。It lost access to its former ports soon afterwards.随后埃塞俄比亚失去了进入那些曾经属于它的港口的权力。Since the outbreak of a vicious two-year war between the two countries in 1998,后两国又爆发了一场持续两年的恶战,the Red Sea ports of Massawa and Assab have been off-limits to Ethiopian freight.马萨瓦和阿萨布在红海岸的港口均已禁止埃塞俄比亚进行货运。Instead, Ethiopia has to rely on Djibouti for imports and exports. That comes at a heavy price:相反的,埃塞俄比亚开始依赖吉布提国进行进出口的贸易。it costs more to truck a container from Djibouti to Addis Ababa, Ethiopias capital, than to ship the same container from China to Djibouti.然而这一举措带来了高昂的价格:同一个货物,从吉布提运输一个集装箱到亚的斯亚贝巴的成本,远比其从中国运到吉布提要高。But losing the coastline has not scuppered Ethiopias merchant fleet.失去海岸线并未使埃塞俄比亚的商船队遭到重创。The state-owned Ethiopian Shipping Lines has eight ships afloat and nine under construction in China.埃塞俄比亚本身拥有的运输线有8条货船处于运输状态,同时还有9条尚在中国建造中。That is modest compared with the armadas of the biggest shipping firms.这一规模堪比世界上最大的海运线—西班牙无敌舰队。But having any sort of ocean-going capability is good for national pride.只要拥有任何程度上远航能力都可以提升民族自豪感。At ESLs Addis headquarters, complete with portholes and model ships, the outgoing boss, Ambachew Abraha, remembers proudly his days as an engineer aboard the freighter Queen of Sheba.在ESL艾缔思的总部,装饰有舷窗和模型船,ESL的总裁埃姆拜初 阿布拉哈自豪地回忆其在示巴女王货轮上作为一名工程师的日子。She was a real beauty, he says. With her I sailed to Rotterdam, Hull, Middlesborough.她是真正的美,他回忆道,我随她出航到鹿特丹港市,赫尔,米德尔斯堡。Mr Abraha was recently replaced as part of a shake-up of the company, which has seen a portfolio of state-owned transit and warehousing facilities added to it.阿布拉哈以国有运输和仓储设备等组合投资取代了部分公司的重大结构。The aim is to offset the high freight costs Ethiopian businesses pay by streamlining the entire transport process.目的是消除埃塞俄比亚商业中整个流水线运输过程付所付的高昂的运输成本。A new railway is planned from Djibouti to Addis,一条新的铁路运线将在吉布提到艾缔思,and dry ports inside Ethiopia will allow goods to pass more quickly out of Djibouti, cutting the price of storage and customs.以及埃塞俄比亚境内的各陆港之间建立,以便货物更快运离吉布提,从而减少减少仓储和海关费用。Last year ESL made a profit of m.上一年度ESL创造了4000万美金的利润。The new umbrella company looks likely to do even better.这个新的伞型运线公司看起来似乎做得更好。But a lot depends on Ethiopia getting more access to blue water.但是更多地依靠于埃塞俄比亚取得了更多通往海洋的道路。Its trade officials plan to do more business via the port of Berbera in Somaliland,ESL的贸易官员计划通过在索马里兰的柏培拉港口进行更多的贸易,a mostly unrecognised breakaway from Somalia, and with Port Sudan in Sudan.一条来源索马里的未知道路,以及苏丹的苏丹港。They are also cheered by a Kenyan plan to build a super-port at Lamu, a Swahili fishing-town near Kenyas border with Somalia.他们计划在拉姆建造超级港口,一个斯瓦西里渔镇,在肯尼亚靠索马里方向的边境附近,因此得到了肯尼亚人的热烈持。A new road and railway would connect Lamu with Ethiopia and head on to South Sudan and possibly Uganda.一条崭新的马路和铁路将连接拉姆和埃塞俄比亚,直通南苏丹,甚至乌干达。It might also reduce the risk of Ethiopian vessels being captured by Somali pirates.这也许将减少埃塞俄比亚遭到索马里海盗打劫的风险。They have so far escaped that fate, perhaps because the pirates fear that the Ethiopians would launch a swift and bloody reprisal.他们一直以来都不曾遭到这样的厄运,大概海盗们担心埃塞俄比亚会发起一场迅速血腥的报复。But for all shippers, the threat of Somali piracy has nonetheless pushed up insurance costs and forced vessels to make expensive detours.但是对于所有的运货商来说,索马里海盗的威胁依旧增加了保险成本,并且船只被迫地进行昂贵的绕道航行。ESL handles 45% of Ethiopias shipping.ESL占有了埃塞俄比亚45%的海运。Most of this is on the companys own vessels,大部分来自于公司自有的船只,but some space is bought from other shipping lines.仅一部分是从其他航线购买的。China is financing ESLs new vessels, which will have improved cranes and holds for handling more complex cargoes,中国提供了ESL的新货轮建造经费,这些货轮拥有先进的起重设备,并且可用于处理更加复杂的货物,such as the colossal turbines needed to build Ethiopias new hydroelectric dams.比如建造埃塞俄比亚新的水电站所需要的巨型涡轮。Many of ESLs ships leave Africa emptier than when they arrived, but that is changing.许多ESL的船只离开非洲时比他们刚到达时要空许多,但是这在改变。The shipping company hopes to increase its exports of coffee, grain, minerals, leather and textiles.航运公司希望增加其咖啡,粮食,矿产,皮革及防治的出口。Ethiopias maritime ambitions are not limited to ESL.埃塞俄比亚的海事雄心并不只局限于ESL公司。A school for sailors has been set up at a university in the lakeside town of Bahir Dar.在巴希尔达镇的湖边,一所大学设立了培养水手的学院。It has ambitions to train 5,000 ships engineers and other officers for the worlds fleets within the next decade—providing low-cost competition for Sri Lankan and Filipino sailors.它立志于在未来十年为全世界的船只培养5000艘船只的工程师及其他方面的海事官员—与斯里兰卡和菲律宾的水手形成低成本的竞争。The government reckons these sailors could send home 0m a year in salaries.改过政府预计这些水手将每年从薪水中抽2500万美金寄回家。They would also return, as Mr Abraha has, with valuable skills and a hankering for the briny unusual in a landlocked country.他们将来也会回归,正如阿布拉哈一样,带着宝贵的技术,以及异于陆路国家的对于大海的追求。 点击此处下载本期经济学人讲解PDF与音频字幕 /201306/244482

By the mid 1800s, the horse and the cowboy had come to symbolize the wild west. And of course, with the cowboys came cattle. As the bison quickly vanished from the landscape, cattle filled their place. 到19世纪中叶,马与牛仔成为了辽阔西部的象征。当然,既然提到牛仔,那么一定会提到牛。随着北美野牛快速地从大陆上消失,家牛取代了他们的位置。Meanwhile increasing numbers of the tame horses escaped into the wild. These feral horses became known by the Spanish name, mustang. They put extra pressure on the dwindling bison numbers by competing for their grazing sites and drinking holes. 与此同时,越来越多的被驯的马儿逃到了西部。这些野马成为了西班牙语中所称的“木斯塘马(mustang)”,它们数量的上升也给北美野牛的存活增添不少压力,它们与北美野牛争抢草原和水源。Mustangs form social groups led by a dominant stallion, echoing their prehistoric relatives that lived here during the Ice Age. 木斯塘马是一个群居的种族,由一匹占统治地位的公马领导整个族群,这一点和它们冰河时代栖息于此的史前亲戚相同。Bred to carry the weight of a rider, mustangs are larger than those early wild horses, but they still display the same kind of behavior. 木斯塘马是供人骑乘的,从体重看,他们比那些之前的野马体型更大,但是两种马匹的行为有很多相同之处。By the early 1800s, the wild horse was well and truly back in North America, but how did other wildlife on the continent survive alongside growing human populations?19世纪早期,野马真正回归北美大陆,但是大陆上其他的野外生物是怎么在人类数量速度增加的情况下存活的呢?Some wild creatures did the reverse of mustangs by becoming tame and choosing to live close to people. The purple martin became an unofficial mascot for native inhabitants in the eastern half of the continent. Here people erected special nesting sites to encourage the birds to stay.一些野外生物也和木斯塘马一样选择了追随人类并被其驯。在大陆的东半侧,北美洲紫燕在当地居民眼中是一种吉祥物。在这里,人类为紫燕建巢并希望这些鸟儿留在这里。英文文本来自普特英语,译文属未经许可不得转载。201311/266549

  

  Business商业报道Solar power in India印度太阳能Waiting for the sun等待着艳阳Is the sun the answer to Indias energy problems?太阳能是印度能源问题的解决办法吗?ON A salt plain near the border with Pakistan lies half a billion dollars worth of solar-energy kit paid for by firms from all over the world.靠近巴基斯坦边界的一块盐地,安装了来自全球的公司价值五亿美元的太阳能设备。A million panels stretch as far as the eye can see.目所能及的就有一百万块太阳能板了。Past a dishevelled brass band is a tent crammed with 5,000 people who cheer when Narendra Modi, the chief minister of Gujarat, declares the solar park open:穿过一群散乱的铜管乐队就是一个挤满了正在欢庆的5000人帐篷区,此时,古吉拉特邦的首席部长纳伦德拉·莫迪宣布太阳能电厂正式运行,I pray, sun god, that today Gujarat will show the way to the rest of the world for solar energy.我希望太阳神庇护我们,今天古吉拉特邦将向世界其他地方展示通向太阳能的道路。Despite the uncomfortable cult of personality around Mr Modi, Gujarat is an easy place to do business.除了对莫迪的个人崇拜令人感到不舒外,古吉拉特邦还是一个容易经商的地方。And solar power would appear to be an obvious winner for India.而太阳能仿佛令印度成为了最大的赢家。The country has plenty of sun and flat, idle land.印度境内有充沛的阳光和许多平坦闲置的用地。India is energy-hungry, but electricity supply is sporadic.而它又是一个能源缺乏的国家,电力供应时常不足。Costly diesel generators are popular. Solar power could replace them.连昂贵的柴油发电机在这里也很畅销。And solar parks, which look like giant Lego kits, are easier to build than conventional power plants.这方面太阳能可以替代。至于看上去像巨大的乐高积木桶的太阳能发电厂,比起建造传统的发电厂要容易多。The new park, in a place called Charanka, has just over 200 megawatts of capacity running, making it the biggest site in India.最新的电厂,建在Charanka,拥有超过200兆瓦发电量,使其成为印度最大的电力厂。It took 16 months to build. No one builds nuclear power stations nearly that fast.它花了16个月去建造,没有人能用这速度建造出原子能发电站。Two other factors make an Indian solar boom seem possible.还有两个原因使印度的太阳能得到广泛使用成为可能。Conventional energy generation, which in India means burning cheap but dirty local coal, is a mess.传统能源的生产十分混乱,在印度是通过燃烧便宜但污染大的煤炭来发电的。Power stations charge local electricity boards 3-4 rupees per kilowatt hour.发电站以每度电约3~4卢比卖给当地的供电局。The state coal monopoly is unable to dig up enough of the black stuff, forcing power firms to buy pricier imported coal.国家垄断了煤炭,却无法开采足够的量,这迫使能源公司购买更贵的进口煤炭。Hopes that India might find abundant natural gas off its coast have been dashed.印度期望能在远离海岸线的地方找到丰富的天然气的愿望已经破灭。Many observers think the price of conventional power will have to rise to 5-6 rupees.许多观测者认为传统能源价格将上升5~6卢比。Meanwhile, the cost of solar equipment has fallen by a third since 2010, reckons Alan Rosling of Kiran Energy,与此同时,一间由美国私募基金注资的太阳能公司—Kiran能源的阿兰?罗斯林指出,自2010年以后,a solar firm backed by American private equity.太阳能装备的花费已经下降了三分之一。Cheaper solar and pricier conventional power have persuaded many that solar will soon be competitive without subsidies.相对便宜的太阳能与较贵的传统能源令更多的人在没有补贴的情况下仍选择更有竞争力的太阳能。V. Saibaba, the boss of Lanco Solar, a firm that makes and operates solar parks, says that by 2016 Indian solar will match the price of conventional electricity.负责建造与运营太阳能发电厂的兰科太阳能公司的领导V. Saibaba说,到2016年印度的太阳能价格将接近传统电力的价格。That should mean a building boom.这意味着太阳能发电厂的建造潮将到来。Sunil Gupta of Standard Chartered, a bank, reckons Indias share of new global solar installations will rise from 1% this year to 5% by 2015.渣打的Sunil Gupta指出,印度的太阳能设备安装量在全球的份额将从今年的1%上升到2015年的5%。Indias central government has set a target for 20,000MW of installed solar generation by 2022, from under 1,000MW today.印度政府设定了一个指标,到2022年,安装的太阳能发电量将从现在的1000百万瓦以下上升到20,000百万瓦。That would still represent a miserly 5% or less of total power-generation capacity in India,这显得有点保守,因为这只是印度总发电量的5%,甚至更少。and cost perhaps billion-40 billion to build—a fraction of the investment in new coal-fired plants.投资约300亿美元~400亿美元去建造太阳能发电厂,而这只是相当于投资于新建的火力发电站的一小部分。So plenty of folk think the official target will be smashed.所以很多人认为官方目标将难以达成。D.J. Pandian, a civil servant in charge of energy policy in Gujarat, believes his state alone will easily reach 10,000MW of capacity in a decade.D.J. Pandian,一位负责古吉拉特邦能源问题的官员则相信,单单古吉拉特邦在十年内就将轻易地达到10,000百万瓦的发电量。But not everyone agrees.但不是每一个人都认同。Half of these plants wont be here in ten years, says a German boss at the new solar park—bad news,这些厂的一半在十年内都不会建在这里,一位在新的太阳能发电厂的德国领导说。since the contracts are for 25 years.他指出,坏消息是,因为合同是25年,Too many firms have cut corners, he reckons.导致太多公司节省成本。A Chinese executive raises his eyebrows at Indias plans to force solar firms to buy some equipment locally.一位中国执行官听了印度计划迫使太阳能公司购买当地的某些设备后扬起了眉毛。The supply chain and economies of scale are not there, he says.供应链以及经济规模还不理想。他说。An American manager scoffs: Weve all been coming to India for years and theyll never get there…一位美国经理调侃到,我们全部来印度已经多年了,清楚他们还没有达到那程度,They dont have the infrastructure.他们没有基础设施。The difficulty of getting plugged into the grid and a shortage of water to clean panels are common worries.难以接入电网以及因水的短缺而致难以清理太阳能板是常见的忧虑。Solar faces two other problems.太阳能普及面对两个问题。First, Gujarats state government has guaranteed high prices of 15 rupees for the first 12 years of operation to solar producers,第一个是,古吉拉特邦的政府要求确保太阳能生产商每度电15卢比的高价,作为第一个12年内的运营成本,which should mean they make money.这也意味着他们可以盈利。But at the national level there is a separate system.但在国家层面上仍有一个分流制。It relies on reverse auctions in which those solar producers who commit to producing power at the lowest cost win the right to operate.那些太阳能制造商是依靠逆向拍卖选出的,谁能用最低的成本生产能源,谁就能获得运营的权利。In the second national solar auction, of 350MW, in December, the winning firms committed themselves to selling solar power for as little as 7.5 rupees.在12月的第二个国家级太阳能运营拍卖会,其产能为350百万瓦,竞拍成功的公司已经承诺,他们将用低至每度7.5卢比的价格卖太阳能。Many people doubt that it is possible to make money at these prices.很多人怀疑按这些价格到底能不能实现盈利。An Indian engineer says the auction was a farce and that it is impossible to build a solid plant and operate it for less than 10 rupees.一位印度工程师说拍卖会只是一场闹剧,建立一个固定的工厂并以低于每度10卢比的价格运营它,这是不可能的。Firms bidding below, say, 8.5 rupees must assume that technology will improve, equipment prices will keep falling,参与投标的厂商们也说,要是技术得到提升,而设备价格又持续下降,or that they can make their sums work by borrowing cheap dollars rather than dear rupees.或者说他们能通过借到廉价的美元而不是昂贵的卢比来总结工作。只有这样,每度电8.5卢比才显得有可能。Second, if prices do not fall steeply, there may be little appetite for solar power.此外,如果价格没有快速下降,可能很少人会愿意使用太阳能。The grid is rickety.电网也变得摇摇欲坠。Many states distribution firms are financial zombies.许多国家的流通企业都是金融僵尸。Today the cost of solar subsidies is hidden—pooled with the overall generation bill in states such as Gujarat or,今天太阳能补贴的费用被隐藏了—像古吉拉特邦,统计在全部的账单中,或许,for projects under the national scheme, buried in the finances of a big state-owned conventional power firm.根据国家计划的项目,埋藏了一个大型的传统国有能源企业的资产。Such bureaucratic subterfuge works on a small scale.像这些官僚式的托词只影响了一小范围。But if the bill for solar swells, it is not hard to imagine the kind of public backlash against subsidies that has hit cash-strapped Europe.但要是太阳能的账单变大,不难想象,公众对补贴的不满将冲击欧洲的经济。Indias politicians may then start to ignore contracts.印度的政客可能将开始不履行合约。To solve Indias energy problems, solar firms must deliver blindingly low prices.要解决印度的能源问题,太阳能公司必须盲目地实现低价卖电。 点击此处下载本期经济学人讲解PDF与音频字幕 /201306/244631。

  

  Science and technology科学技术Bionics仿生学I think Id like some coffee我想来点咖啡A paralysed woman gets herself a drink四肢瘫痪的女人也能自己喝咖啡HELPING yourself to a cup of coffee may seem like a small, everyday thing.给自己倒杯咖啡对普通人来说是一件再平常不过的小事,But not if you are quadriplegic.但对于一个四肢瘫痪的人来说就不是这样了,Unlike paraplegics, for whom the robotic legs described in the previous article are being developed, quadriplegics have lost the use of all four limbs.不像下身麻痹患者,前文中提到的机械腿已经发展得很成熟,但全身瘫痪的人四肢都不能使用,Yet thanks to a project organised by John Donoghue of Brown University, in Rhode Island, and his colleagues,现在多亏了罗德岛州布朗大学的John Donoghue和他同事发起的一项计划,they too have hope.四肢瘫痪者也有了希望。One of the participants in his experiments, a 58-year-old woman who is unable to use any of her limbs, can now pick up a bottle containing coffee and bring it close enough to her mouth to drink from it using a straw.在他的实验中有一位58岁的女患者,她四肢瘫痪,但她现在能够拿起一瓶咖啡并送到嘴边,再用吸管喝下,She does so using a thought-controlled robotic arm fixed to a nearby stand.她完成这个动作是靠思想控制固定在旁边的机械臂,It is the first time she has managed something like that since she suffered a stroke, nearly 15 years ago.这也是她15年前中风以来,第一次像这样掌控一些东西。Arms are more complicated pieces of machinery than legs, so controlling them via electrodes attached to the skin of someones scalp is not yet possible.由于手臂上的机械零件比腿更复杂,所以通过依附在头皮上的电极来控制它们不大现实,Instead, brain activity has to be recorded directly.而大脑活动是可以被检测到的。And that is what Dr Donoghue is doing.这就是Donoghue士所做的事情。Both his female participant and a second individual, a man of 66 also paralysed by a stroke, have worked with him before, as a result of which they have had small, multichannel electrodes implanted in the parts of the motor cortexes of their brains associated with hand movements.不仅那个女患者,还有一个66岁的男中风患者也参与了他的实验,Donoghue士先找到参与者大脑中控制手活动的区域,再把一些小型多波段电极植入该运动皮质。The womans implant was put there in 2005; the mans five months before the latest trial, described in a paper just published in Nature.根据刚刚发表在《自然》杂志上的论文,女患者在2005年就植入了,而男患者的最新植入才5个月。Dr Donoghue and his team decoded signals from their participants brains as they were asked to imagine controlling a robotic arm making preset movements.Donoghue士和他的团队先设定一个动作,让参与者想象通过机械臂去完成它,这个过程中大脑的信号就会被记录和破译出来。The volunteers were then encouraged to operate one of two robot arms by thinking about the movements they wanted to happen.然后Donoghue士再鼓励他们去控制其中一只机械臂去完成自己想要的动作,When the software controlling the arms detected the relevant signals, the arms moved appropriately.机械臂上的控制软件在检测到相关信号之后,机械臂就会进行相应的移动。The arm that the woman used to help herself to a drink is a lightweight device developed by DLR, Germanys Aerospace Centre, as part of its robotics programme.能让女患者自己喝水的这个轻量级机械臂来自于DLR,这也是机器人计划的一部分,The other, known as a DEKA arm, is being developed in America specifically as a prosthetic for those who have lost an arm.其他的还有DEKA的机械臂,该厂专为残疾人士提供假肢,并且在美国已经相当成熟。Normally, it is operated by the wearer moving his chest or moving his toes over buttons in a shoe.一般情况下,穿戴者会通过移动他们的胸部或者用脚趾按鞋子上的按钮来操作,The participants used it to reach and grasp a ball made of foam rubber.这样他们还可以抓起泡沫橡胶球。Dr Donoghue and his colleagues have thus shown that a mechanical arm can be controlled remotely by the brain of a person with paralysis.Donoghue士和他的同事明了瘫痪者可以通过大脑来控制较远的机械臂。Controlling a true prosthetic—an arm that is attached to the individuals body—will be trickier,要直接控制安装在身体上的假肢还是比较麻烦,即使理论上是可行的,但是现在把机械臂安装在轮椅上是一个更加实用的好事。but in time even that may be possible. In the meantime, a robotic arm attached to a wheelchair will be a real boon. For people who have little or no ability to move their arms Dr Donoghues work promises liberation in the form of idian action that the able-bodied take for granted.对于那些没有能力或者只有有限能力配他们手臂的患者来说,Donoghue士的成果解放了他们,让他们也能够完成那些我们认为理所当然的琐事。 /201307/247735Business商业报道Asian shipyards亚洲造船厂The deeper the better越深越好Korean and Singaporean yards have adapted well to Chinas challenge韩国、新加坡的造船业对来自中国的挑战应付自如PLENTY of behemoths are being welded into shape in South Koreas shipyards at the moment.目前,韩国造船厂里大量大型船只已成型。Clustered around the southern city of Busan, the big three yards—Samsung Heavy Industries, Daewoo Shipbuilding and Marine Engineering, and Hyundai Heavy Industries—are churning out the worlds biggest container ships, 400 metres long; an oil barge whose length, at about 460 metres, or 1,462 feet, is almost half the height of Scafell Pike, Englands tallest mountain;聚集在南部釜山市的三大造船厂—三星重工集团、大宇造船和海洋工程有限公司以及现代重工集团—正大量建造世界最大的集装箱货船,其长达400米。油驳大约长460米或1462英尺,几乎是英国最高山斯科菲峰的一半高。and some of the largest oil rigs yet built.一些最大的石油钻塔还未建成。But size isnt everything.但是型号并非全部。Just as impressive, and more important commercially, are four ultra deepwater drill-ships coming off the line at Samsung Heavy Industries.同样惊人,并且在商业性方面更为重要的是由三星重工业生产的4大超级深海钻井船。Commissioned by a Danish shipping giant, Maersk, the first one has just been christened: Viking, appropriately enough.在丹麦轮船巨头Maersk的授权下,第一艘船命名为Viking再适合不过了。Described by a Maersk engineer as giant Black amp; Deckers, these ships are designed for work in the deepest of waters, such as in the Gulf of Mexico.正如Maersk的一位工程师所描述的巨大的黑色甲板,这些船是用来在海洋最深处工作,例如墨西哥湾。As inland and coastal wells run dry after decades of exploitation, oil firms are being forced farther out to sea, and ships like Viking, which will be used by Exxon Mobil, are designed to meet their requirements.随着几十年的不断开采,内陆以及沿海的油井已经快枯竭。石油公司不得不迈向海洋更深处。并且,像Viking这一批船,它们的制造就是为了满足埃克森美孚这样的顾客的需求。Viking can operate in 3,000 metres of water, and then drill down through another 12,000 metres of earth—more than the height of Mount Everest.Viking能在深入水下3000米工作,然后再向下挖12,000米—深度比珠穆朗玛峰还高。The centrepiece of the vessel is the derrick, which is over 60 metres high.船的中心是高达60余米的油井架吊杆,But the most advanced bits of kit are probably the six thruster engines.但是装置中最先进的部分要数6部推力器引擎。The engineers claim that they can keep the ship steady and drilling even in waves of up to 9 metres.工程师们说,这些引擎能够让Viking高达9米的巨浪中保持平稳并继续工作。Strong technical skills have proved to be the salvation of Korean shipyards.强有力的专门技能来自于韩国造船厂。Only a decade or so ago most analysts were assuming that Chinas heavily subsidised yards would soon take much if not all of South Koreas share of the world shipbuilding market, just as South Korean yards had wiped out much of Europes capacity a generation before.大约10年前,大多分析家设想,中国受极大补贴的造船厂,如果不能占据韩国在世界船只建造市场的全部份额,那么至少也得大部分,就如上一年代韩国造船行业一扫欧洲大部分国家造船业一样。But it has not worked out like that.但是中国不及韩国当年。It is true that China now gets more orders in terms of gross tonnage, but in the year to July 2013 South Korea produced 76.2% more than China by dollar value.的确,现在中国就总吨数而言,是接到更多订单,但是按美元来算总价值,到今年7月,韩国的生产值比中国多76.2%。The Koreans, and their Singaporean counterparts, are making money in a highly competitive market by focusing on complex vessels like Viking, often for the offshore market.韩国,以及和它相当的新加坡,正通过制造出像Viking这样的复杂型船只在竞争激烈的市场里获利,并且他们的专注点在海外市场。China has failed to break out of the basic bulk-carrier market, where ships may cost as little as 30m.中国没能突破制造仅值3000万美元的基本散装货船。As a result it is Chinas yards that are struggling, confined to a part of the market that is plagued by overcapacity, whereas Korean and Singaporean order books are almost full. Maersk reckons the market for offshore rigs and drill-ships is now worth 44 billion a year.结果就是,中国造船业不停地挣扎,被限制在了一个有产能过剩麻烦的市场之中。而韩国跟新加坡的订单,几乎全满。Sokje Lee, an analyst at J.P. Morgan in Seoul, explains that shipbuilding is nowadays a design and quality business rather than a labour-driven one,首尔J.P根的一位分析家Sokie李解释道,如今的造船讲求的是设计和质量,而不仅仅是靠劳力。and South Korean firms, once a lower-cost alternative to their European rivals, have spent heavily and wisely in becoming more technically sophisticated.韩国企业,相对于他们的欧洲对手而言,也曾是一个低耗备胎,但他们花费了大量人力物力变成今天的技术精密型。Each of the big Korean yards has thousands of in-house designers and engineers.每一家大型韩国造船厂都有成千上万的内部设计师和工程师。This has made them world leaders in the new generation of fuel-efficient, cheap-to-run eco ships.正是这一点使得他们成为新一代造船业的世界级领军人物,他们的船,能源高效,操作实惠。Chinas yards have focused instead on offering customers low prices and irresistible financing deals.而中国的造船业关注点在给消费者提供低价船以及难以抵抗的金融交易。Sometimes they demand as little as 10% of the cost on signing a contract, leaving the other 90% until delivery.有时,他们在签订协议时仅仅只需10%的费用,剩下的90%仍处于交付状态。Yet this ruthless competitiveness has not won them a decent share of the lucrative offshore market.但是这种极其可怕的竞争力并没有为他们在有利可图的海外市场赢得可观的份额。Here quality, efficiency and sticking to delivery dates are at a premium, and Chinese yards still score poorly on all counts.在现在市场中,质量,效率以及严格遵守交货时间处于最优先位置,而中国企业在这些方面仍然做得不够。A recent report from CLSA, a stockbroker, concludes that China is still far behind the Koreans in the market for offshore vessels.券投资机构CLSA最近的一份报告总结了,在海外造船市场,中国远远落后于韩国。Even worse, China will soon lose much of its advantage on price.更糟的是,中国很快会失去它的价格优势。CLSA estimates that labour costs in its yards are rising by 10-15% a year, while productivity remains low.CLSA估测,在该行业,中国的劳力费用每年上涨10%-15%,但是生产力仍持低。Singapores two main yards, Keppel and SembCorp Marine, have also invested heavily in quality and efficiency.同样,新加坡主要的两家造船企业,吉宝和胜科海事也在质量跟效率方面投入大量资金。They specialise more in deep-sea rigs than in drill-ships and carriers.相比钻井船和货船,他们更专长于深海钻机。Keppel, the bigger of the two, is building a record 20 such monsters this year; next year it will deliver the first of three giant, 600m jack-up rigs.吉宝的规模比胜科更大。今年吉宝预备制造20艘这样的巨型船,明年将交付三个中的第一个,即值6亿美元的自升式钻井。Time is money时间就是金钱The Singaporeans are also good at building things on time, which is vital in an industry where late delivery can cost the operators of rigs and drill-ships over 500,000 a day.另外,新加坡造船企业还拥有按时完成制造的有点,这对于拖延交货一天就得多花50万在钻机和钻井船操作上的企业来说,尤为重要。Over the past five years, rigs ordered from Keppel and SembCorp were, on average, delivered ahead of schedule, whereas Chinese yards delivered 50-250 days late, says IHS Petrodata, a research firm.一家研究公司HIS揭示,在过去的5年中,吉宝和胜科的钻机一般都是在规定时间前交付的,而中国企业,比规定时间晚50-250天。The only cloud on the horizon for the Koreans and Singaporeans might be fracking.韩国和新加坡目前的唯一问题可能是液压破裂法。The output of tight oil from onshore shale beds has soared in the past few years, especially in America, and could one day reduce the demand for expensive deep-sea rigs and vessels.沿海页岩层密致油的产量在过去的几年中飞增,尤其是在美国,这种油很有肯在某天就降低了昂贵深海钻机和钻井船的需求量。Indeed, Mr Lee even suggests that the offshore business might aly have peaked.诚然,李先生暗示,海外造船业可能达到了顶峰。But Keppel, for one, is not too worried.但是吉宝并不是很担心。The demand for oil has so far kept rising; and as long as the crude price is above 80 a barrel, the big oil firms will have the money and the incentive to keep developing deepwater fields, and thus to keep ordering its rigs.一来,油量的需求持续增长,只要每桶原油价格仍在80刀以上,大型的石油公司就有资金以及动力继续开发深海领域,因此,对钻机仍有需求。 /201311/266130

  Science and technology科学技术Scientific publishing科技出版业Brought to book好书来了Academic journals face a radical shake-up学术期刊面临彻底改变IF THERE is any endeavour whose fruits should be freely available, that endeavour is surely publicly financed science.如果有人试图把成果免费公开的话,那他一定是科学资助者,Morally, taxpayers who wish to should be able to about it without further expense.确实,纳税人都希望不再花额外的钱来阅读科学著作,And science advances through cross-fertilisation between projects.并且科学的进步也是通过各个学科之间的相互促进吸收,Barriers to that exchange slow it down.而其间的交流障碍使这种进步慢了下来。There is a widesp feeling that the journal publishers who have mediated this exchange for the past century or more are becoming an impediment to it.在过去一个世纪,期刊出版商给人广泛的感觉就是他们调停了这种交流,甚至阻碍了这种交流。One of the latest converts is the British government.而最新的改变发生在英国政府身上,On July 16th it announced that, from 2013, the results of taxpayer-financed research would be available, free and online,它在7月16宣布,从2013年开始,由纳税人资助的科研成果都会在网上免费公开,for anyone to and redistribute.并且任何人都可以阅读和转发。Britains government is not alone.并不是只有英国政府这么做,On July 17th the European Union followed suit.17日欧盟也紧随其后,It proposes making research paid for by its next scientific-spending round—which runs from 2014 to 2020, and will hand out about 80 billion, or 100 billion, in grants—similarly easy to get hold of.建议下一个科研经费周期拿出800亿欧元来补贴类似易于获取资料的方法。In America, the National Institutes of Health has required open-access publishing since 2008.在美国,国家卫生研究所从2008年开始就要求开放出版业。And the Wellcome Trust, a British foundation that is the worlds second-biggest charitable source of scientific money, after the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, also insists that those who take its shilling make their work available free.仅次于比尔和梅林达·盖茨基金会的英国维康信托基金是世界上第二大科研资金获取来源,也坚持—要用我的钱就必须免费公开成果。Criticism of journal publishers usually boils down to two things.而期刊出版商对此的批判常常归结为两件事,One is that their processes take months, when the internet could allow them to take days.一是他们对资料的处理要花费数月,实际上有互联网他们只需要花费数天;The other is that because each paper is like a mini-monopoly, which workers in the field have to if they are to advance their own research,另一个原因就是由于每篇论文就像一个小型垄断,相关领域的工作者想要提升研究水平就必须得阅读那些论文,there is no incentive to keep the price down.这样根本没有动机把价格降下来,The publishers thus have scientists—or, more accurately, their universities, which pay the subscriptions—in an armlock.因此出版商就把那些科学家—准确来说是那些付钱订阅期刊的大学牢牢限制住了,That, combined with the fact that the raw material is free, leads to generous returns.再加上原始材料免费这一事实,这些常常为出版商带来了巨额回报。In 2011 Elsevier, a large Dutch publisher, made a profit of 768m on revenues of 2.06 billion—a margin of 37%.在2011年,荷兰出版商爱思唯尔从20.6亿欧元的投资中获取了7.68亿欧元的回报—利润达到了37%,如此高的收益被认为太过分,Indeed, Elseviers profits are thought so egregious by many people that 12,000 researchers have signed up to a boycott of the companys journals.因此爱思唯尔遭到了12000名研究人员的联名抵制。A golden future?未来一片光明?Publishers do provide a service.出版商也确实做了一些工作,They organise peer review, in which papers are criticised anonymously by experts.他们要对论文经行同业互查,And they sort the scientific sheep from the goats, by deciding what gets published, and where.并且还要对论文进行分类和挑选,决定是否出版和在哪里出版。That gives the publishers huge power.这就给了出版商很大的权利,Since researchers, administrators and grant-awarding bodies all take note of which work has got through this filtering mechanism,因为研究者、管理员和拨款奖励机构都在注意谁的论文通过了这个过滤机制,the competition to publish in the best journals is intense, and the system becomes self-reinforcing,在最好的期刊上发表论文的竞争非常激烈,出版系统就变得更加自我强化,increasing the value of those journals still further.也推高了那些期刊的价值。But not, perhaps, for much longer.或许以后不会再这样了,Support has been swelling for open-access scientific publishing:持开放科学出版业的呼声越来越强烈:doing it online, in a way that allows anyone to papers free of charge.把研究成果放到网上,让任何人都可以免费查阅。The movement started among scientists themselves,这个运动开始由科学家发起,but governments are now,但是现在政府也站了出来,as Britains announcement makes clear, paying attention and asking whether they, too, might benefit from the change.比如英国政府的通告就很清楚,它不仅在关注此事,还询问科学家们是否可以从这个变化中受益。The British announcement followed the publication of a report by Dame Janet Finch, a sociologist at the University of Manchester,Dame Janet Finch的报告发表之后英国政府才发出通告,which recommends encouraging a business model adopted by one of the pioneers of open-access publishing, the Public Library of Science.这位曼彻斯特大学的社会学家建议鼓励一种商业模式,这个方法被一家开放出版业的先锋—公共科学图书馆所采纳。This organisation, a charity based in San Francisco, charges authors a fee and then makes their papers available over the internet for nothing.公共科学图书馆是一家位于旧金山的慈善组织,它会付给作者一笔费用,然后再把他们的论文在网上免费公开。For PLoS, as the charity is widely known, this works well.对于公共科学图书馆来说,它的慈善事业广为人知,并且做得很好,It has launched seven widely respected electronic journals since its foundation in 2000.并且从2000成立开始,已经出版了7大类备受推崇的电子期刊,For reasons lost in history, this is known as the gold model.虽然由于各种各样的原因,它们都淹没在历史的尘埃中,这种方式被称为 “黄金模式”。The NIHs approach is different.国家卫生研究所的方法不一样,It lets researchers publish in traditional journals, but on condition that, within a year, they post their papers on a free “repository” website called PubMed.它允许传统学术期刊发表研究人员的论文,但是有一个条件,就是在一年之内他的论文会在一家名为PubMed网站的免费“知识库”中公布,Journals have to agree to this, or be excluded from the process.期刊出版商必须同意这么做,要么就会被排除在该程序之外,This is known as the green model.这就被称为“绿色模式”。Both gold and green models involve prepublication peer review.不管是黄金模式还是绿色模式都涉及到正式出版前的同业互查问题,But a third does away with even that.但第三种就不需要这样了,Many scientists, physicists in particular, now upload drafts of their papers into public archives paid for by networks of universities for the general good.现在很多科学家都为共同利益而把他们的草稿上传到由大学运营的网络公共档案馆中,Here, manuscripts are subject to a ruthless process of open peer review, rather than the secret sort traditional publishers employ.在这里,手稿都暴露在严格的同业互查之下,而不是被传统出版商私下分类。An arXived paper may end up in a traditional journal, but that is merely to provide an imprimatur for the research team who wrote it.一份被arXiv化论文可能会以传统期刊的出版而结束,但这仅仅只是为研究小组提供出版许可,Its actual publication, and its value to other scientists, dates from its original arrival online.它的实际出版物,还有对其他科学家的价值和原始数据都可以在网上找到。The success of PLoS, and the political shift towards open access, is encouraging other new ventures, too.科学公共图书馆的成功让其把政策转向开放阅览,这也鼓励了其他新的投资者。Seeing the writing on the wall, several commercial publishers are experimenting with gold-model publishing.在看到这些“不祥之兆”后,一些商业出版商开始尝试以“黄金模式”出版,Meanwhile, later this year, a coalition of the Wellcome Trust, the Max Planck Institute and the Howard Hughes Medical Institute will publish the first edition of eLife, an open-access journal with ambitions to rival the most famous journal of the lot, Nature.与此同时,在今年晚些时候,马普研究院和霍华休斯医学研究中心将与维康信托基金会合作,出版首期eLife电子期刊,这份开放阅览的期刊有信心与它们之中最著名的《自然》竞争,The deep pockets of these organisations mean that, for the first few years at least, this journal will not even require a publication fee.那些财大气粗的组织甚至想至少在头几年不对期刊收取出版费。Much remains to be worked out.仍然还有许多要解决的东西,Some fear the loss of the traditional journalscuration and verification of research.一些人担心会失去传统期刊的内容治理和调查核实,Even Sir Mark Walport, the director of the Wellcome Trust and a fierce advocate of open-access publication, worries that a system based on the green model could become fragmented.甚至维康信托基金会的主管和开放出版的坚定持者Mark Walport先生也担心基于绿色模式的系统会分崩离析,That might happen if the newly liberated papers ended up in different places rather than being consolidated in the way the NIH insists on.如果新式宽松论文政策被某些原因终结而不是如NIH所坚持走统一合并的路子,这一切就有可能发生。But research just published in BMC Medicine suggests papers in open-access journals are as widely cited as those in traditional publications.但是根据《BMC医学》最近公布的调查显示,开放阅览期刊被引用的广泛程度和传统期刊一样多。A revolution, then, has begun.所以一场革命已经开始了,Technology permits it; researchers and politicians want it.不仅技术上可行,研究人员和政客也需要。If scientific publishers are not trembling in their boots, they should be.如果传统科技图书出版商没有觉得胆战心惊的话,那现在就是时候了。 /201307/249938For now, hes safe with his mom and sisters.但现在它还是安全的,和妈妈,们呆在一起。Heres Puck right here with India.帕克和因迪亚呆在一起是正确的。He just stroked her along the side.因迪亚拍打着它的妈妈。Right now, Puck seems to be very tolerant of India.现在帕克还能容忍因迪亚的行为。I dont know if that will happen when the baby is born, and she might really have to push India out of the way.但当它的宝宝出生后,情况就不得而知了。可能因迪亚会被赶走。Puck cant support two calves at once and certainly not a giant one along with the little one.帕克一次不可能带两个孩子。当然更不可能带着一大一小了。Home for the research team is this mobile caravan.这个流动房车就是研究小组的家。Its been a long day following different families in the Bay.研究不同的海豚家庭是个漫长的日子。The life stories of more than 1,600 dolphins are stored in this state-of-the-art database-every birth, every death, every interaction is input with pains-taking detail.有超过1600只海豚的生存信息记录在这个先进的数据库里,生老病死,密切合作等各种细节都被小心的记录下来。When I started this research project in the 1980s, literally nothing was known about wild bottlenose dolphins.这个项目始于20世纪80年代,关于野生宽吻海豚我们一无所知。And since then weve learned a tremendous amount.然后我们开始努力学习。But we still havent followed a single animal from birth to very old age.但我们还没有研究过一只海豚的生老病死。Puck could be the first wild dolphin whose entire life story is known.帕克是第一只生存情况全部为我们所知的野生海豚。Three weeks later, Pucks still waiting for her baby to be born.三周后,帕克孩子等待小宝宝的到来。Today, shes out hunting alone.今天,它独自外出狩猎。These grassy meadows are exceptionally rich feeding grounds, but its dangerous hunting out here.这些海草富含营养,但在这里狩猎很危险。The tiger sharks are arriving, and this is their favorite place to feed.虎鲨就要来了,这里是它们最喜欢的狩猎场。A stealth hunter, it uses the cover of the sea grass to creep up on its prey.一只隐秘的猎手,它用海草做掩护缓缓游向它的猎物。201404/288210

  

  Don:Its time once again to go to the A Moment of Science Mailbag.唐:又到了科学一刻的来信互动环节。Yael:A listener writers in:雅埃尔:一位听众这样写道:Dear AMOS:亲爱的《科学一刻》栏目组:Why does it seem like guys are into games way more than women?为什么看起来男人比女人更倾向于?Is there a scientific explanation for this?这其中有科学解释吗?DON:Great question.唐:问的好。And in fact there is some scientific research that tries to explain why games seem to be a guy thing.事实上有一些科学研究试图解释为什么似乎是男人的菜。YAEL:Fumiko Hoeft, a researcher at Stanford, got eleven men and eleven women to play a game while lying inside an MRI scanner.雅埃尔:斯坦福大学研究员福米珂·霍夫特让接受测试的11个男人和11女人躺在核磁共振扫描仪玩。Thats a machine that can take detailed pictures of whats happening inside the body.这种机器可以记录下体内所发生变化的详细图片。DON:Now, the game the participants played was simple:it consisted only of clicking balls to keep them from hitting a wall at the center of a computer screen.唐:现在,参与者们玩的游戏其实很简单:点击小球并且不能撞到在电脑屏幕中心的一堵墙上。The players soon learned that the faster they clicked, the more territory they gained.玩家们很快发现他们点击的速度越快,就会获得更多的领土。What the MRI scan showed was that the players brains showed activity in regions associated with reward and addiction.而核磁共振成像扫描显示,玩家的大脑有关的区域的活动与奖赏和成瘾有关。YAEL:But mens brains showed a lot more activity.雅埃尔:但男人的大脑则显示更多的活动。So the idea is that men may be hard wired, in a sense, to get excited about the challenge of gaining and losing territory.所以我们的想法是,男人可能是天生固有的,在某种意义上会对挑战获得及失去领土感到兴奋。In other words, it could be that men are more territorial than women.换句话说,男人可能比女人更具有更强的地盘意识。DON:And if thats true, it would explain why guys are so drawn to games about war and sports, where the object is to vanquish your opponent and conquer territory.唐:如果这是真的,这就能解释为什么男人对于战争和运动类的像着了魔一样,因为它们的目的在于击垮你的对手及征领土。YAEL:So there may be some games that women love more than men.雅埃尔:所以可能会有一些女人比男人更喜爱的,。But territoriality may help explain why more violent games seem to be mainly a guy thing. 但领土意识可能有助于解释为什么似乎男人更钟情于暴力游戏。 201312/270117。

  

  Its four A.M.早上四点,Youre tucked safely into a warm bed, savoring the last few hours of sleep before daybreak.你还躺在温暖的被窝里,享受着天亮前几个小时的睡眠时间。And then, suddenly…然而就在这时突然一阵声音惊扰了你的美梦…It must be time to wake up, roll out of bed, and tend to the farm.听到起床号了就得爬出被窝开始劳作。Except its four A.M.,但是现在才四点!its still dark out, and youre not a farmer.外面仍然漆黑一片,而且你又不是农民。Its that neighbor of yours, the one that for some unimaginable reason keeps a rooster as a pet.鸣叫的公鸡是隔壁家的,那个家伙不知道为什么养了只鸡当宠物。A rooster that flaunts the most basic rules of neighborhood etiquette by crowing every morning before sunrise. What gives?每天太阳升起前,公鸡都会仿佛问候邻居早安一样的打鸣。原因何在? 201312/268351

  Science and technology科学技术The Neolithic新石器时代Boom-time machine时间机器解密:新石器时代的繁荣期Building site, 3670 公元前3670年的建筑遗址THAT economic expansion leads to building booms seems to have been as true 6,000 years ago as it is now.在经济扩张时期,人们往往喜欢大兴土木。如今的这条经济定律在6000年前似乎也同样适用。When agriculture came to Britain, it led to a surge of construction as impressive—and rapid—as the one that followed the industrial revolution.随着农业在英国生根萌芽,建筑业也随之蓬勃兴旺,其发展速度之快,令人印象之深刻毫不逊色于英国工业革命之后的那次农业变革。Which is all a bit of a surprise to archaeologists,这一切让考古学家们显得有些惊讶,who had previously seen the arrival of the Neolithic as a rather gentle thing.他们之前一直认为新石器时代是经济发展较为和缓的时期。But that may be because of the tools they use.不过这可能是由于他们使用的考古技术方法还不够先进。Radiocarbon dating provides a range, often spanning 200 years or more, rather than an exact date for a site.采用放射性碳技术来测定一处考古遗址的年代,得到的并不是一个准确日期,而是一个时间跨度范围通常为200年或更久远的数值。Stratigraphy, which looks at the soil layers in which artefacts are found, tells you only which ones are older and which younger.而地层学采用的方法是通过对已发现古代文物的土壤层进行探测分析,从而判断土壤年代的远近。None of these data is precise.这种方法得出的数据也都不精确。They do, however, limit the possible range of dates.然而它们确实缩短了可推算的时间跨度。And by using a statistical technique called Bayesian analysis it is possible to combine such disparate pieces of information to produce a consolidated estimate that is more accurate than any of its components.通过贝叶斯分析的统计方法,这些分散孤立的信息可能被整合成一个可靠详实的估计数值,这比单一研究其中的任何一条信息都更为精确。That results in a range that spans decades, not centuries.采用地层学断代推算出的时间范围是几十年,而不是几百年。A team led by Alex Bayliss, from English Heritage, a British government agency, has just used this technique to examine digs from hundreds of sites around Britain.Alex Bayliss领导的研究小组来自于英国政府机构的古迹署,他们刚刚采用这项技术对英国周围几百处的人工挖凿遗址进行了研究。The results have caused them to reinterpret the Neolithic past quite radically.这些成果可以让他们更为彻底地重新诠释新石器时代。Agriculture seems to have arrived fully formed in what is now Kent, in the south-east, around 4050.大约在公元前4050年,在现今的英国东南部的肯特郡,那里的农业时代似乎已经到来并发展成熟。The new culture sp slowly at first, taking 200 years to reach modern-day Cheltenham, in the west, but over the following five decades it penetrated as far north as Aberdeen.起初这种新文化传播缓慢,用了200年的时间才到达今天英国西部的切尔滕纳姆,但是在后续的50年中,它迅速东扩到了北部的阿伯丁。Soon afterwards, causewayed enclosures began springing up all over the country.随后,筑有堤道的围场开始在全国遍地开花。Until now, archaeologists had assumed that these were built over the course of centuries.现在,考古学家断定这些建筑物是在几百年间陆续建成的。Dr Baylisss work suggests they were the product of two booms, each just a few decades long—for the Neolithic seems to have seen its share of busts, too.Bayliss士的考古研究表明它们是两个繁荣期的产物,每个繁荣期的持续时间仅为几十年,可见新时器时代似乎也存在过衰落的萧条期。The teams work offers such a sharp picture of the past that it is possible to trace the histories even of individual communities,考古研究小组为我们展示了清晰的远古画面,让我们可以追溯到更远的历史甚至小的个体群落,such as one in Essex whose inhabitants built, used and then abandoned an enclosure within the span of a single generation.例如在埃塞克斯考古遗址,考古人员发现了当时原始居民修建,使用和后来废弃的围场,它伴随了一代人的成长。English Heritage now plans to apply the technique to another murky era of British history, the early Anglo-Saxon period between 400AD and 700AD.现在英国古迹署计划将此技术应用于英国另一段有着模糊记载的历史年代,即介于公元400年至公元700年的早期盎格鲁-撒克逊时期。In principle, the method can be applied to any archaeological site, and several groups of researchers around the world are working on similar projects.理论上,此种方法可以应用于任何一个考古遗址,现在全世界已经有几组考古人员运用此方法进行着类似的考古项目。But, fittingly for a discipline that deals in centuries and millennia, the revolution will be a slow one.但是恰当地说,对一门牵涉几百年和上千年的学科,它的发展将是一个漫长的过程。Unlike traditional radiocarbon dating, which can be bought off the shelf, Dr Bayliss reckons it takes between three and four years to train a graduate researcher to use the new technique properly.传统的放射碳断代法是一种现学现卖的技术,但地层学与之不同,Bayliss士认为培养一名完全掌握此项新技术且具有硕士学位的研究人员得需要三到四年的时间。 /201304/237081

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