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三明市那些医院看无精症福州附一医院第三代试管怎么样REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTIN TOWH HALL MEETING ON HEALTH CARESouthwest High SchoolGreen Bay, Wisconsin12:07 P.M. CDTTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Green Bay. (Applause.) It's good to see you. Thank you. It is great to be back in Green Bay. (Applause.) We are hoping that both the Packers and the Bears do better this year. (Applause.) Come on, we can bring everybody together.I want to make just a few acknowledgments; we've got some wonderful special guests here today. First of all, can everybody please give Laura a huge round of applause for sharing her story? (Applause.) I want to thank our hosts, Principal Brian Davis and his beautiful family, and Superintendent Gregg Maass, please gives them a big round of applause. (Applause.) Your outstanding governor, Jim Doyle, is here; give him a big round of applause. (Applause.) Lieutenant Governor Barbara Lawton is here, give Barbara a big round of applause. (Applause.) Congressman Steve Kagen is here, Congressman. (Applause.) Your own Mayor, Jim Schmitt. (Applause.) And Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett is here as well. (Applause.)I want to thank all the tribal leaders of Wisconsin who are with us here today. (Applause.) And they couldn't be with us, but I want to acknowledge the great leadership that you're getting in the ed States Senate from Herb Kohl and Russ Feingold, give them a big round of applause. (Applause.)This is a town hall meeting, but if you don't mind I want to make a few comments at the outset, sort of to frame the discussion, and then we'll get to the fun part and you guys can bombard me with questions.As I said, I want to thank Southwest High School for hosting us. (Applause.) I especially want to thank Laura for sharing her story. It takes courage to do that and it takes even more courage to battle a disease like cancer with such grace and determination, and I know her family is here and they're working and fighting with her every inch of the way.Laura’s story is incredibly moving. But sadly, it's not unique. Every day in this country, more and more Americans are forced to worry about not just getting well, but whether they can afford to get well. Millions more wonder if they can afford the routine care necessary to stay well. Even for those who have health insurance, rising premiums are straining family budgets to the breaking point -- premiums that have doubled over the last nine years, and have grown at a rate three times faster than wages. Let me repeat that: Health care premiums have gone up three times faster than wages have gone up. So desperately needed procedures and treatments are put off because the price is too high. And all it takes is a single illness to wipe out a lifetime of savings.Now, employers aren’t faring any better. The cost of health care has helped leave big corporations like GM and Chrysler at a competitive disadvantage with their foreign counterparts. For small businesses, it’s even worse. One month, they’re forced to cut back on health care benefits. The next month, they've got to drop coverage. The month after that, they have no choice but to start laying off workers.For the government, the growing cost of Medicare and Medicaid is the biggest threat to our federal deficit, bigger than Social Security, bigger than all the investments that we've made so far. So if you're worried about spending and you're worried about deficits, you need to be worried about the cost of health care.We have the most expensive health care system in the world, bar none. We spend almost 50 percent more per person on health care than the next most expensive nation -- 50 percent more. But here's the thing, Green Bay: We're not any healthier for it; we don't necessarily have better outcomes. Even within our own country, there are a lot of the places where we spend less on health care, but actually have higher quality than places where we spend more. And it turns out Green Bay is a good example. Right here in Green Bay, you get more quality out of fewer health care dollars than many other communities across this country. (Applause.) That's something to be proud of. I want to repeat that: You spend less; you have higher quality here in Green Bay than in many parts of the country. But across the country, spending on health care keeps on going up and up and up -- day after day, year after year.I know that there are millions of Americans who are happy, who are content with their health care coverage -- they like their plan, they value their relationship with their doctor. And no matter how we reform health care, I intend to keep this promise: If you like your doctor, you'll be able to keep your doctor; if you like your health care plan, you'll be able to keep your health care plan. (Applause.)So don't let people scare you. If you like what you've got, we're not going to make you change. But in order to preserve what's best about our health care system, we have to fix what doesn't work. For we've reached the point where doing nothing about the cost of health care is no longer an option. The status quo is unsustainable. If we don't act, and act soon to bring down costs, it will jeopardize everybody's health care. If we don't act, every American will feel the consequences in higher premiums -- which, by the way, means lower take-home pay, because it's not as if those costs are all borne by your employer; that's money that could have gone to giving you a raise -- in lost jobs and shuttered businesses, in a rising number of uninsured and a rising debt that our children and their children will be paying off for decades. If we do nothing, within a decade we will be spending one out of every we earn on health care. And in 30 years, we'll be spending one out of every we earn on health care. And that's untenable. It's unacceptable. I will not allow it as President of the ed States. (Applause.)Health care reform is not something I just cooked up when I took office. Sometimes I hear people say, he's taking on too much, why is he -- I'm not doing this because I don't have enough to do. (Laughter.) We need health care reform because it's central to our economic future. It's central to our long-term prosperity as a nation. In past years and decades there may have been some disagreement on this point, but not anymore. Today, we've aly built an unprecedented coalition of people who are y to reform our health care system: physicians and health insurers; businesses and workers; Democrats and Republicans.A few weeks ago, some of these groups committed to doing something that would've been unthinkable just a few years ago: They promised to work together to cut national health care spending by trillion over the next decade. And that will bring down costs. It will bring down premiums. That's exactly the kind of cooperation we need.But the question now is how do we finish the job? How do we permanently bring down costs and make quality, affordable health care available to every single American? And my view is that reform should be guided by a simple principle: We will fix what's broken and we build on what works. (Applause.)In some cases there's broad agreement on the steps we should take. So in our Recovery Act that we aly passed -- hey, buddy -- my guy in the cap, he was waving at me. (Laughter and applause.) In the Recovery Act, we've aly made investments in health IT -- that's information technologies -- and electronic medical records that will reduce medical errors, save lives, save money, and still ensure privacy. We also need to invest in prevention and wellness programs to help Americans live longer and healthier lives. (Applause.)But the real cost savings will come from changing the incentives of a system that automatically equates expensive care with better care. We've got to move from addressing -- we've got to address flaws that increase profits but don't actually increase the quality of care for patients.We have to ask why places like Geisinger Health systems in rural Pennsylvania, or Intermountain Health in Salt Lake City, or communities like Green Bay can offer high-quality care at costs well below average, but other places in America can't. We need to identify the best practices across the country, learn from the successes, and then duplicate those successes everywhere else.06/73993南平一院治不孕不育好不好费用多少 Good afternoon ,ladies and gentlemen .One day ,in an oral English class my fellow students and I had a heated discussion on the meaning of Beijings bid for the 2008 Olympic Games.下午好,女士们,先生们.有一天,在一堂英语口语课上,我和我的同学对北京申办二零零八年奥运会的意义作了激烈的讨论.They contributed different ideas.Some said,;Beijing s environment with be improved steadily .他们都有不同的观点,有些说,;北京的环境会得到持续改善,Beijing has made a long-term plan for environment improvement.Whether Beijing will finally with the bid or not,北京已经就环境改善的问题做了长远的计划.北京最终是否赢得申办,the plan will remain the same.;Some commented on its meaning in relation to the economy ,arguing that Beijings bid can rally the whole nations spirit to develop economy more rapidly .计划都会保持不变.;有些人就有关经济方面后,争论说北京的申奥可以团结全国人民的精神,加速发展经济.Other said.;Beijing s bid will be of great significance to the Olympic movement since China is the worlds most populous country .其他人说,;北京的申奥对于奥林匹克运动会意义重大因为中国是世界上人口最多的国家,An Olympic event in Beijing will increase the popularity of the Games.;在北京举行奥运会将会提高运动会的受欢迎度.;I admit that I wholly agree with what my fellow students have said.However ,I am more willing to approach the meaning of Beijings bid in another way .我承认我完全同意我同学说的话,但是,我更愿意用另外一种方式探索北京申奥的意义,Id like to view Beijings bid as a special voice.A voice that comes the hearts of all the Chinese people .我把北京申奥作为一种特别的呼声,一种来自全中国人民心里的呼声.What is this voice ?Maybe ,we can find the answer in a true story .More that half a year has passed since the Sydney Olympics.这是怎样的一种呼声?或许我们可以从一个真实的故事里找到.悉尼奥运会结束后,半年多已经过去了.However ,it seems that the intervening days have not diminished the memories.In my memory,one of the most moving scenes of the Sydney Olympics was the moment when Chinas women football team left Canberra for home .但是那些日子还没从我们的记忆中褪去.在我的记忆里,悉尼奥运会中最感人的场面之一就是中国的足球姑娘们离开堪培拉回国的一幕.Chinas team lost the game against Norway ,and was forced out of medal contention .中国队输给挪威,被逼退出奖牌的角逐.After a sleepless night ,the Chinese girls said that they would not cry at the departure .经过一个不眠之夜,中国姑娘们说她们不会在离别的时候哭.However ,tears streamed down their cheeks when they saw the American women footballers standing in a row to see them off.但是,当她们看到美国足球的姑娘们列队送行,泪水禁不住流下了脸颊,Some waved a tearful farewell to them.一些人泪流满面地挥手道别.Why did the tough Chinese girls all burst into tears?I think it is because of the voice ,which echoes in their hearts.为什么坚强的中国姑娘们会掉下来眼泪呢?我想是因为那种回荡在她们心中的呼声吧.Dear friends ,you may have guessed what this voice is .Yet,it is a longing.亲爱的朋友,你可能已经猜到那是什么呼声了.是的,那是一种长久的.It is a longing for mutual understanding and friendship.All the Chinese girls understood that winning was important.渴望的相互理解和友谊的长久的呼声.所有的中国姑娘都知道比赛获胜是重要的,But it was more precious were the friendship and the mutual understanding forged in the Olympics and they would live forever in the hearts of all participants.但更珍贵的是与奥运会相连的友谊和相互理解,而且这种呼声将长存于每一位参赛者的心中.Beijings bid ,in essence ,is a voice of the Chinese pople.It is a longing to understand other poeple in the world ,and to be understood by them.北京申奥本质上是中国人民的呼声,那是了解世界其它民族和为他们所了解的渴望,It is a longing to promote friendship with people from all over the world .那是促进与世界其它民族的友谊的渴望.Chinese peoples longing for mutual understanding and friendship can be traced back 700 years.中国人民对相互了解和友谊的渴望可以追溯到七百年前,The message was brought to Europe by Marco Polo,but this voice was drowned in a sea of disbelief at that time.这种信息由马可.波罗带回欧洲,但他的呼声被当时如海洋般的不信任淹没了.Even on his deathbed, he was urged by his friends to admit that he had made up all the stories about China.甚至在他弥留之际,他的朋友敦促他承认所有关于中国的东西都是谣传.His last words were,;If you do not believe what I said ,just go and see with your own eyes.;他临终之言是:如果你们不相信我所说的话,你们去亲眼看一下.Now ,about 700 years later,in this millennium ,this opportunity presents itself.现在,大约七百年过去了,在新千年里,这种机会体现出来了.If Beijing wins the bid,it will offer a golden chance for the world to come and see China for themselves,那将是世人用自己的眼睛看中国的黄金机会,and for the Chinese people to get person -to -person contact with people from all parts of the world .因为中国人民将与全世界人民面对面接触.Chinese peoples longing is best manifested in Beijings bid,Chinese peoples voice is ringing in Beijings bid.中国人民的愿望充分体现在北京的申奥上,中国人民的呼声在北京申奥中回响着.And I believe that our voice can be heard and appreciated because it echoes the ever-lasting voice in the hearts of all human beings.我相信我们的呼声会被听到和赞赏,因为这各种回响,这种呼声永存在所有的人心中.The voice conveys the common wish and the lofty idea of mankind.呼声传达了一种普通的愿望和人类的崇高理想.The voice is not transient because it has been ringing from the past to the present,and will,of course ,ring into the future.呼声不是瞬间即逝的因为它已经响遍了过去和现在,当然会响到将来.I believe in this voice .I believed that our voice for an opportunity to contribute to the sacred cause of promoting unity ,我相信在这种呼声中,我相信我们为促进团结,friendship and progress will be answered.Thank you .友谊和进步而作出贡献的呼声将得到回应.谢谢.Judge:Um,one of the things that you replied in response to special obligations that university students owe society is that,um ,parents want their children to be successful .评委:大学生对于社会的特殊义务,你回答的其中之一就是父母期望子女成才.If they um,havent had opportunities they would like their children at least to have these opportunities and to be successful in their life.如果他们自身没有机会,他们至少希望自己的子女有机会在他们的人生里成功.Um, what criteria would you use to measure success and when its been reached ?你用来衡量成功的标准是什么?什么时候可以达到?Uh, what would you ,what criteria would you use to determine if someone has been successful in their life?你用什么标准来衡量一个人在他的人生里是成功的?Zhang Cong:Um,yes ,a lot of people think that success means achieving greatness.And we have actually discussed this topic um in last years contest .张聪:是的,很多认为取得巨大的成就才算成功.事实上,我们在去年的演讲比赛中也探讨了这个问题.And as Shakepeare told us,;Some people are born great , some people achieve greatness,others have greatness thrust upon them .;正如莎士比亚告诉我们,有些天生是伟人,有些人努力取得成就,有些人的成就从天而降.So ,I think we have different definitions of greatness.And my definition of achieving greatness is that you have aly um struggled.我想我们对于成功有不同的定义,我对成功的定义是你已经奋斗了,You have strived for success.And if as long as you can do your best, as now Im taking part in a contest like this ,Im very nervous.你曾为成功奋斗过.只要你能竭尽全力,正如我现在参加这次比赛,我非常紧张,But if I have displayed all that I can do.Ive displayed my best.I think this is succes.Ive aly truly gained by participating.Thank you .但我已经展示了我能做的一切,我已经展示了我最好的一面,我想这是成功,通过参赛我已经真正取得成功.谢谢.Judge:Thank you .Um,you said just now that um society has great hopes for university students and university students in return should repay society for this good education .评委:谢谢,你刚才说社会对大学生寄予厚望,大学生也应该用他们的良好教育回报社会.How do you expect students to repay society ,especially you were speaking of the brain drain?你怎样期望学生回报社会,尤其你在说到智力流失?How do you expect people who have um received a good education here and then have gone abroad perhaps,how do you except them to repay?你怎样期望那些在这里接受良好教育而或许已经到国外发展的人,你怎样期望他们回报社会?Zhang Cong:Um,yes,Ive just mentioned in my speech that um a lot of college stuednts go abroad and never thinking about ,think about coming back to their country ,to their society which has reared them .张聪:是的,我已经在我的演讲里提到许多大学生出到国外,就从来没有想过回到培育他们的国家和社会.What I mean is not to call them back.I want them just to think about making contributions for the society.我的意思不是要把他们叫回来,我只希望他们能为社会作贡献.Maybe they can be uh , they can live in American ,or Britain ,uh for those Chinese students they can live in other developed countries ,或许他们可以住美国,或者是英国,那些中国学生可以住在其他发达国家,but they can still make contributions for the society they lived in.We will never forget in the Sydney Olympics,但他们仍然可以为祖国贡献.我们不会忘记在悉尼奥运会上,those overseas students um hand ,handing the national flag in their hands and singing the national anthem.那些华人学生一面手握国旗,一面唱着国歌.Well never forget that.They are also making contributions .I think the problem of brain drain can not be defined into uh confined into a very small limit.我们不会忘记,他们也是在作贡献.我想智力流失的问题不能局限在一个小范围里,Um, we should adapt more open policies to let the students to come back.And if they dont want to come back,我们应该采取更开放的政策让那部分学生回来.如果他们不想回来,they can also make contributions overseas.And ,that is my answer.Thank you .他们也可以在国外为祖国作贡献.这是我的回答.谢谢.09/85507南平哪里有无精症

莆田做人授多少钱Franklin Delano Roosevelt: "The Great Arsenal of Democracy" [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]My friends: This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the ed States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his Spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the ed States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the ed States.The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the ed States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the ed States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are aly within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the ed States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the ed States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a ed States of Europe or a ed States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the ed States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on. If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today. Certain facts are self-evident. In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the ed States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the ed States. This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers. As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.We must be the great arsenal of democracy. For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.As President of the ed States, I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed.200606/7544福州市检查宫腔镜的医院 The President explains that while he continues to focus on jobs, it is also profoundly important to address the problems that created this economic mess in the first place. He commends the House of Representatives for passing reforms to our financial system, including a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency, and blasts Republican Leaders and financial industry lobbyists for their joint "pep rally" to defeat it.Download Video: mp4 (158MB) | mp3 (5MB) 12/91779福州市二医院男科医生

南平去哪家医院放扎复通REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTHONORING 2008 NASCAR SPRINT CUP CHAMPION JIMMIE JOHNSON视频下载THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everyone. Please have a seat. Welcome to the White House.Just before I begin, there are a couple of acknowledgements I want to make. First of all, we've got some Wounded Warriors from Walter Reed and National Naval Medical Center, and I want everybody to give them a big round of applause. We are grateful to them. (Applause.) They're big NASCAR fans.I also want to thank a good friend and a terrific governor, Brad Henry from Oklahoma is here. Stand up, Brad. (Applause.) You know, it is not every day that we have a championship stock car parked out on the South Lawn. (Laughter.) Fortunately, we got Jimmie to agree not to do any burnouts or tear up my backyard. I also suggested to Jimmie that, in exchange for free parking, he should let me take the 48 out for a few laps. (Laughter.) He said that was fine -- but Secret Service didn't think it was fine. (Laughter.)But that's okay, because I'm just glad Jimmie could be here so we can honor him for winning his third consecutive Sprint Cup Championship. Give him a big round of applause. (Applause.) Jimmie got his start racing in motocross events at the age of five and has been racking up trophies and titles for nearly three decades now. But like me, I think his greatest achievement is probably just how far he married up. I had a chance to meet his wife, Chandra, and I'm so glad that she could be here today, as well. Congratulations for your family's success.We want to keep -- everyone who keeps the 48 up front -- we want to congratulate all of them: owner Rick Hendrick, the crew chief -- (applause.) Rick deserves a round of applause. Crew chief Chad Knaus -- did I say that right? And all the folks at Hendrick Motorsports, because we all know NASCAR, winning isn't just about who's behind the wheel during the race, it's also about who's got your back in the pit and everyone back at the shop who preps these cars week after week. With these folks at his side, Jimmie is hoping for a fourth series championship in a row this year. But I think there's another group of guys back here who may have something to say about that -- Jeff, good luck in your "drive for five." And good luck to all the other chase drivers joining us today. I'm extraordinarily grateful to them.We're also joined today by one of NASCAR's all-time greats, "The King," Richard Petty. Sitting right here. (Applause.) With a family tradition that's generations strong, the Pettys are about as close as you can get to a NASCAR dynasty. And finally, I want to recognize Mike Helton, NASCAR's president, for his dedicated leadership, and, of course, Brian France, NASCAR's chairman, and his wonderful wife, Amy, who've done so much for the sport. Please give them a big round of applause. (Applause.) And let me also take the opportunity to say that our thoughts are with the NASCAR community at the recent passing of Tom Murphy, a man who put his heart and soul into NASCAR over the years.You know, it's fitting that you've all come here to the White House -- the American people's house -- because NASCAR is a uniquely American sport. Since its humble beginnings, when moonshiners raced on the sands of Daytona Beach during prohibition, it's grown into a sport with tens of millions of fans here in America and around the world. But NASCAR is about a lot more than just racing cars. It's as much about what you give back off the track as you give on the track. It's about what you're doing to protect our environment and help America become energy independent -- using solar energy, and working to offset carbon emissions, and even hiring a director of green innovation to take your commitment to the next level. It's about supporting our troops and our veterans, from flyovers and red, white and blue paint jobs on Memorial Day to your visits to Walter Reed and Iraq and Afghanistan that show our appreciation for the brave men and women who are serving our country. And it's about all the foundations NASCAR has started to support schools and hospitals, combat hunger and homelessness, and work to help folks in our communities -- like the campers here from Victory Junction; kids who can teach us all a thing or two about courage and hope, and I hope had the time of their lives at summer camp. After all, one of the core values of the NASCAR community is the belief that service isn't just something you do once in a while when it's convenient -- it's a way of life. I think Jeff Gordon put it best when he said, simply, "Any person out there should do something some way to give back to their community." And that's what folks from more than 150 countries see around the world when they tune in to your races -- not just your speed and your skill, but also your compassion, your dedication to your families and our communities, how much you love this country and how strongly you support the heroes who serve it. That's the face of America that you show to the world.So today, I want to thank all of you for that and for everything you do to make this country a better country. And I wish you all the best of luck in this year's chase. God bless all of you, and God bless the ed States of America. Thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.)I think I've got to take a shot next to the cup here.08/81940 如视频未出现,请稍候,因为FLASH播放器正在加载中。。200712/23416龙岩检查不育哪个医院最好福州治卵巢早衰哪里好

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